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#3400: A pick me up. Something NICE about Haiti!!!
>From Bob Corbett: As most of you have read, I've spent hours this weekend
cataloguing books and articles into my library. Well, I found an utter
gem. I had purchased some old newpapers and in the Niles' Weekly
Register from Baltimore in 1823 -- yes, 1823, not 1923, I found a
phenomenal piece. Here is an American arguing for the U.S. to recognize
Haiti some 39 years before Lincoln finally did it in 1862. Also, along
the way the author says some wonderful things about Haiti.
This is in contrast to so much of the history I read. Often, in Haitian
as well as foreign sources, one often reads that after the Revolution it was
one long down hill road to today. This author takes a dramatically different
tact. In the end the author lacks the full courage of the position, but
comes very close.
It is LONG, but worth it. It includes what seems like a longish detour
into Jamaica, but it is to support the Haiti argument. Heck, the
detour can't be 10 more minutes reading. Just figure if it took me
6 hours to scan this fading, yellowing, crumbling old newspaper, you can
spare 15 or so minutes to read a piece that might pick up one's spirits.
I will have this mounted onto my web site within a few days. It will be
in the history section under the post-revolutionary period.
Bob Corbett
=========================
NILES' WEEKLY REGISTER.
Baltimore. September 27, 1823
[Corbett notes: The piece below is unsigned. It is impossible to tell
from context if it is the Register's editorial position, a staff member,
guest author or member of the public in a letter. It is worth noting
that this is some 39 years before the United States finally recognized
the independence of Haiti.]
HAYTI.
It is strongly recommended by many, that the United Sties should
officially acknowledge a fact which really exists, the independence of
Hayti. Much may be said on both sides of the question; and, though, the
general opinion is against the proceeding, some notice of this
neighboring nation of people of color, cannot be uninteresting or
unprofitable; for Hayti, very important just now, promises to have
effects on the state of society in this part of the world, of great
moment to the people of the United States and of the West Indies.
One writer,, who assumes the possession of most respectable information,
regards the population as amounting to a million. This must, I think, be
a large exaggeration. The whole number of persons on the island, at the
time of its greatest cultivation and commercial prosperity, (even when it
employed 200,000 tons of shipping in the trade with France only, and
exported, from the French part, about 170,000,000 lbs. of sugar, and
80,000,000 1bs. coffee, with large quantities of cotton, indigo, etc.),
did not exceed 575,000 souls. At that time,, to supply the waste of human
life, 30,000 fresh negroes were annually imported from Africa, in about
one hundred vessels; and the other trade with foreign places employed,
about 60,000 tons of shipping more. But, when the revolution broke out,
the whites, (say 31,000), and the mulatoes, (20,000) were massacreed
(sic) or forced to fly, or killed in the troubles that followed, and so
there remained only about 500,000 blacks. We have seen it repeatedly
stated, that this class of persons has not increased since that period;
on the contrary, I believe it has been said, by authority in Hayti, that
its number had declined; and if, when we call to recollection the many
destructive insurrections and wars to which the island was subject until
a late date, and the exterminating (sic) principles that were adopted by
the contending chiefs, with the great destruction of life through the
wantonness of tyranny in the late "king Henry" and his unfeeling and
brutal adherents, we should suppose that the present population cannot
amount to half a million in the whole island -- that which was the
Spanish part being very scantily peopled. But this is a large and
formidable stock to be acted upon -- and, under a mild and peaceable
government, encouraging the arts and protecting property and domestic
industry, it will be augmented with unprecedented rapidity, and acquire a
power to maintain not only the independence of Hayti, but to dictate the
law to neighboring places at will, or conquer them at discretion.
This island, by the nature of the climate on its coasts, the fastnesses
of its interior, the fertility of its soil and the amount of its
spontaneous production of articles fitted for food, and, more than all,
the number and character of its inhabitants, is, perhaps more able to
maintain its own sovereignty than almost any other nation or state; and
any one would much more readily insure the presidency of it to Boyer than
the crown of France to Louis, though the latter, by virtue of that crown,
claims the possession of this great and most valuable country. The best
appointed, and perhaps the most numerous army that ever crossed the
Atlantic, (under Napoleon's brother-in-law, Le Clere), attempted a
subjugation of it -- but the blacks retired to the mountains and kept the
French confined to the coast, and they died off "like rotten sheep," by
thousands. Before this, the British attempted to reduce it -- the whole
force employed was 15,000 choice troops; and, in about one year, almost
without battle, they were reduced to 3,000 men fit for service.
Hompesch's regiment of hussars was cut down from 1000 to 300 men in about
two months, and every man of the 96th regiment died! and besides this
pro. digital (sic) waste of life, the expedition directly cost not less
than twenty millions of dollars. It effected nothing, nor could 100,000
of the best trained troops in the world, supported by all the British
navy, and supplied at the cost of hundreds of millions of money, reduce
the island, if the people remained true to their own liberty and
independence. They would only have to fly to the mountains, (which
produce enough to subsist them), harass their enemy by small parties, and
leave the rest to disease --unless they pleased to meet them in the
field, which they might do with 70 or 80,000 well armed and disciplined
men. The present regular force is between 40 and 50,000 excellent
soldiers, naturalized to the climate; which, so fatal to the whites, is
not particularly injurious to them, even when subjected to such exposures
as would produce almost certain death to their enemies, within two or
three days. A brief notice of the history of the Maroons, in Jamaica, may
shew the nature of that defense which the blacks of Hayti might offer to
an invading enemy, if the latter were powerful enough to compel them to
abandon the roasts and the plains of the island -- and Hayti has every
possible advantage for such a defense that Jamaica affords, the character
of the country in both being the same, except that the soil of Hayti is
the richest and most productive of roots, etc. used for food, of which
resource source the inhabitants could not be deprived, vegetation being
perpetual and exceedingly rapid.
When Jamaica was taken from the Spaniards in 1655, the slaves, about 1500
only in all, on the surrender of their masters, retreated to the
mountains, and began to act for themselves like freemen. They soon
acquired the name of Maroons, and were considerably reinforced by
fugitive slaves, for they, at first, received such as fled to them. In
less than 8 years, such had been the amount of their depredations, or,
perhaps, correctly speaking the effects of the war which they carried on,
that a full pardon, with 20 acres of land and freedom from all manner of
servitude, were offered to each one who would surrender himself.
They preferred their own independent way of living -- they checked the
approach of the whites, and defeated party after party, force after
force, attempting to subdue them. Various embassies were sent to them,
but they refused to treat. By the year 1730, the colony had spent no less
than 240,000l. for their suppression, and hundreds of lives had been
lost. At this time, a great chief, named Cudjoe, appeared among them; he
collected them more together, built a town on the top of the mountains,
and two whole regiments were sent to reduce him; severe battles took
place, and the blacks were defeated at length, and much dispersed. But
they renewed the contest -- they secretly passed into the settlements,
fired the cane-fields and outhouses, carried off slaves, and killed many
of the whites. This desultory war was dreadful to the planters and the
troops. Great efforts were made to end it: the church-wardens were
required to furnish blood-hounds and packs of dogs, to hunt the negroes;
and, in 1737, two hundred of the Mosquito Indians were induced to leave
their country and assist in the destruction of the little band of
Maroons, and they were of much service: yet, in 1738, the British were
reduced to the necessity of making a treaty with them, assigning them
land and securing it to their posterity, and the Maroons, on their part,
agreed not to harbor runaway, slaves, or commit depredations. After
sometime, this treaty ceased to produce much good to the whites, who were
jealous of the blacks, and in continual dread of their power. The wild
boars, land crabs, pigeons, fish and various vegetables, furnished them
with abundance of provisions, and the wild pine supplied them with water
-- their manner and habits were of the rudest and roughest character,
more those of brutes than of men. In 1768 they assisted the whites in
suppressing an insurrection of the slaves; but, in 1795, on account of
the punishment of some of their members for felony, they took up arms
again. The alarm was great -- troops were forwarded, and agents sent to
them. They received the latter and under arms -- there were only 300 of
them; but nothing effectual was done. All the horrors of St. Domingo were
anticipated! Nearly 2000 regular troops, and the whole of the neighboring
militia were prepared to act against them. Some fighting, attended with
peculiarly savage circumstances, took place, many on both sides being
killed: among the latter was the commander of the British troops, col.
Sandford; but the Maroons, though compelled to retire by the force of
numbers, were not subdued--they appeared again and again, burning,
robbing and destroying; they carried off thirty negroes from one
plantation loaded with spoil, and like our indians, slaughtered child-bed
women and infants at the breast. They surprised col. Pitch, who succeeded
Sandford, and killed him with several of his officers and men. Neither
courage nor conduct could avail against them. Dogs were proposed to be
introduced again; the entire strength of the colony was put forth, and
the expense had amounted to 600,000l, It was suggested that a treaty had
best be made with them --it was, by many, opposed, as derogatory to the
honor of the British throne. Forty Spanish hunters and one hundred
blood-hounds had arrived from Cuba -- and some of the Maroons became
desirous of peace. At length, another treaty was concluded, in December
1795, in which it was stipulated that they should not be compelled to
leave the island. The legislature of Jamaica, however, found some defect
in the treaty, and declared it not binding! -- and end was, that they
were forcibly sent off to Nova Scotia, in June 1796, at the cost of the
colony. Now, this people, on account of whom the British had made such a
vast expenditure of life and treasure, probably never amounted to more
than two thousand persons of either sex and all ages, at any one time! In
1791--four years before they made the last treaty their whole number was
estimated at only 1400; and it may be easily believed that, if the
British had respected the obligations of the treaty made with them as a
free people, they would have preserved their independence until this day:
and it requires no casuist to shew, that they were as justly entitled to
it, and the possession of the whole island also, if they could obtain it
by arms, as the British -- who, by arms, had subjected it. It is might
that gives "legitimacy" to conquest. Alexander, "the deliverer," has his
white slaves, and why might not king Cudjoe have white ones or black
ones, if he could -- the Maroons being the nobility of Jamaica?
"Corinthian pillars" of its society? the prop and stay of the throne?"
These brief sketches, though familiar to some, will be new to others, and
not useless to any, "What has been, may be." And the facts here stated
are sufficient to shew, that Hayti cannot be reduced unless the people
submit of their own free will, or are subdued by the treachery of
invaders on whom they may reply. But neither of these are probable
things. They are too numerous and powerful, and too well informed, to
make a general submission, or suffer a deportation, like that of the
Maroons. The country is destined to be peopled by blacks,
until the "Ethiopian changes his skin" or "chaos comes again," and the
island small be one no more. This is the truth, and we ought to look at
it. To shut our own eyes against the light, will not lessen the light to
others, preserve ourselves from their observation, or defeat their
designs.
But to these essential facts must be added a consideration of the real
condition of Hayti. The people have a regular and enlightened government
of the in republican form -- more liberal, perhaps, in its operation
than any now existing in Europe, those of Great Britain and Spain only
accepted. Colleges have been established, and common schools are
multiplied. The superior branches of science and the most useful of the
arts, are protected and encouraged. The public offices are filled by
native citizens of talents and character -- they have their judges and
courts, and other establishments, like ourselves, and the business of
them is conducted with as much accuracy and promptitude as in those of
other nations. They have a legislative assembly, and a full proportion
of orators and statesmen; and they rather abound with military skill.
They have regular arsenals and magazines, well supplied with all the
implements of war, and a powerful regular army. The press is freer than
in France, Russia, Austria or Prussia, and it is well conducted; and, in
general, what may be called the present generation, that is, persons
between 20 and 30 years of age, are as well informed and as highly
accomplished, as those of the greater part of Europe. The president,
Boyer, is an able general and a profound statesman. If we regard the
various difficulties that his predecessor, Petion, and himself have had
to encounter, the peculiarity of the population over whom they had to
preside, the internal wars, the location of Hayti, and the condition of
the adjacent islands, we must grant to them uncommon displays of wisdom
and energy, and a sense of moderation and justice that should put the
rulers of the old world to shame. They have maintained the laws of
nations and respected the rights of others, though they owe so little to
those laws or to a respect for those rights by others. It would have
been almost naturally supposed, that the Haytians -- just liberated from
personal slavery, a state in which they were regarded as mere working
machines, without thought or the right of thinking, must have sunk into
all sorts of extravagance, and have made a common war on the oppressors
of their color: but, happily, we may venture to say, for themselves and
their neighbors, the massacre of the whites did not produce safety to
the blacks -- they were divided into parties carrying on a cruel and
desolating war, one with another. Personal security demanded an
observance of public right; private danger brought forth talent; talent
produced order, and common sense, impelled by the common necessity,
raised up and established government. The person who lately handled a
hoe, at the will of his master, wielded a sword and commanded thousands
of his fellows, citizens and soldiers, and he who recently was not the
chief even of the miserable hovel in which he lived, was called upon to
preside over matters of the state! The volcano of the revolution and the
terrible crucible of war, softened and purified their minds, and
compelled them to reflect and calculate consequences. A spirit
of inquiry was imposed by a sense of self preservation, and despised
negroes have become men and women, who, unless for the reason of their
color, would not be any where rejected on account of their manners; and
religion, the great rule over the passions, is observed and respected by
them as much as by others, who claim a much higher grade in the scale of
civilization. I speak of things as they are. The fact is, that persons
and property are more safe in Hayti than in many nations of white people.
The classic ground of Italy is infested by bands of ferocious robbers, or
over run with swarms of beggars and petty thieves. Hayti has but few of
either of these. There is more, of either class, the city of Naples than
in this republic of blacks -- more, perhaps, even in the "eternal city,"
Rome, though the residence of the Pope, the spiritual head of the most
numerous church among Christians.
Now let us suppose that president Boyer should imitate the example of the
pretended sovereign of Hayti, Louis of France, or in regard to Spain, or
the famous member of the "peace society of Massachusetts," in respect to
Poland? If Louis had a right to carry war into Spain, because the people
were free, surely Boyer may attack Cuba, Jamaica and Porto Rico, or
either of them, because the mass of the people are slaves! To dispute the
right of France, in the case just mentioned, would nearly cost a man his
life in civilized Europe, so firmly fixed is the idea that right is
established by the reason of the bayonet -- and so the right becomes
manifest! Admit that Boyer, with 20,000 men, which he might readily
transport across the narrow sea between him and Jamaica, should land
there, and, as the British did, on our southern coast, during the late
war, call the slaves to insurrection, and protect them in the murder and
robbery of their masters! what would be the "legitimate" consequence?
Jamaica, some strong holds excepted, would be conquered in two or three
days. No present means could possibly prevent it, and the power of Great
Britain could not reduce the slaves to servitude again. -- Neither could
Cuba or Porto Rico resist him Suppose even that he would only open his
ports to pirates, and permit them to deposit their gains in Hayti -- who
could prevent their success or punish the aggression? Thousands of bad
men from all nations would dock round about him, and his power to do
mischief would be doubled in a year. What would be the amount that he
might add to the catalogue of human miseries, if he should act just as
France is doing to Spain -- arm the slave against his master, and have
his "armies of the faith?" But Boyer has restrained the disposition to
aggrandize himself or his nation. He captured the Spanish part of the
island, it is true -- if ever an invasion was a right one, that was both
necessary and just; but he preserved order, he emancipated the few slaves
that there were in that quarter, but respected the persons and property
of their late masters. There were no murders or assassinations, no
robbers or plunderers --no soldiers of the faith, with a cross in one
hand and a dagger in the other, prowling about to destroy -- no duke of
Angouleme to patronize and pay them for killing their neighbors! --no
purchasers of human scalps. Restraint, in some cases, may pass only for a
negative virtue, but, in regard to Boyer, it is real and positive, and
worthy of profound admiration and the highest praise. He is not ignorant
of his means --but he prefers peace to war, the plough share to the
sword, the internal repose of Hayti to her renown in arms. There is no
king in Europe, with the power that he possesses, would use it with the
same moderation and justice.** It is impossible that the whites of the
West Indies, and others in the neighborhood of Hayti, should not regret
the location of that island, and apprehend great changes in its
government, for even fugitive slaves from other islands are not harbored
here, -- but, as it cannot be driven from its foundations, let us hope
that, with its advance in population, power and improvement, the present
good dispositions of the people and their rulers may be continued. And
that they may, the Haytians should be treated with all the respect that
is due to their actual condition, as a free and independent people: but
in the way of their acknowledgment there is a host of difficulties.
** Occasional complaints are made against the government of Hayti, and
sometimes, no doubt, with just cause. But truth is not always discerned
or stated; the courts of Hayti may abound as much with "glorious
uncertainty," or their acts be as much misrepresented as our own, and it
is not often that any serious fault is found with the administration of
the island.**
It is admitted, and it is certainly true, that our present trade with
Hayti is of greater importance to us than our trade with France, herself.
It employs much more of our tonnage, and is, every way, more beneficial
to us: But shall we, by, acknowledging the independence of the island,
involve ourselves in a war with France? Can it really benefit Hayti? --
will it not surely injure ourselves? The reason of things is against the
proposition, and we regard it as inexpedient. But again, are we yet
prepared to send and receive ministers to and from Hayti? Could the
prejudices of some and the, perhaps just fears of others, be quieted? We
think not The time has not yet come for a surrender of our feelings
about color, nor is it fitting at any time, that the public safety should
be endangered. Hayti is, and will be, independent -- we cannot prevent it
if we would, nor are we so disposed. In looking into the vista, of
futurity, great events may be anticipated -- but we, cannot wish to hurry
them on. Our condition is unfortunate -- for personal security may forbid
the doing of that which is right in itself, because it may be injurious
in its operation, though innocent in its agent. We are on the horns of a
dilemma, and how to get off, at some future period -- we leave to that
period to determine as well as it can. We will not act for or against the
existing fact, because of the extreme delicacy of its nature; but
maintain good faith with all, and strictly observe all the rights of
persons and things.