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8852: Haiti's Current Situation and the Caribbean Context (fwd)
From: MKarshan@aol.com
HAITI'S CURRENT SITUATION AND THE CARIBBEAN CONTEXT
By Hazel Ross-Robinson
Ross-Robinson & Associates
During its June Summit in San Jose, Costa Rica, the Organization of American
States unanimously endorsed a resolution incorporating the five point plan
put forward by President Jean Bertrand Aristide to break the political logjam
in Haiti. The initiatives identified by President Aristide for moving Haiti
forward were: the resignation of seven senators; the establishment of a new
electoral council by June 25, 2001; holding elections to replace the seven
senators prior to the end of 2001; a reduction by two years of the terms of
all parliamentarians elected in Haiti's May 2000 (and the holding of
elections for the establishment of a permanent electoral council); and the
establishment of an OAS/Caricom mission to facilitate dialogue and strengthen
democratic institutions in Haiti.
The United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan declared his support for the
unanimously passed OAS resolution. President Aristide, Haiti's Catholic/
Protestant churches, Fanmi Lavalas and other political parties in Haiti moved
forward to implement the OAS resolution. Convergence, a political grouping
with no support amongst the Haitian people, declared the OAS resolution "a
snake we will not swallow."
To make good on its promise, Convergence has refused to name any members to
the electoral council. As a result, the OAS/Caricom mission that traveled to
Haiti on June 24 in anticipation of the June 25 installation of the new
electoral council (called for in the OAS resolution), was for naught. When
Convergence refused to present any names, President Aristide (as required by
the OAS resolution) expressed the readiness of all other nominating entities
(the supreme court, Haiti's Protestant/Catholic Churches, Fanmi Lavalas, and
other political parties) to go forward with substitute nominations in order
to meet the OAS-established June 25 deadline. The Secretary General of the
OAS, however, requested that President Aristide extend the deadline to July
1, in order to permit the OAS to continue "consultations" with Convergence.
On June 30, Convergence presented the Government of Haiti with a list of
demands that were diametrically opposed to the objectives and timelines
contained in the OAS resolution.
Convergence demanded that the elections for the seven senate seats be held
not in 2001, as specified in the OAS resolution, but in May 2002. Convergence
also demanded that elections no longer be staggered as required by the OAS,
but that elections for the seven senate seats be held at the same time as the
2002 elections for 1/3 of the senate. Incredibly, Convergence even demanded
that it be given the right to "review and evaluate" last November's
presidential elections even though the outcome of these elections was neither
questioned nor referenced in the OAS resolution. More recently, Convergence
has demanded that the terms of all local officials be reduced. (The OAS
Electoral Report found nothing wrong with the election of Haiti?s local
officials.)
Who Benefits From The Crisis? Who Loses?
Convergence seems intent on prolonging the crisis in Haiti. What Caribbean
governments must not lose sight of, however, is the impact of Convergence's
power play on the lives of eight million Haitians. Despite its lack of
popular Haitian support, but with the help of foreign-based enthusiasts,
Convergence continues to hold the government and people of Haiti hostage. By
refusing to "cooperate", Convergence continues to hold up international loans
for urgently needed health, literacy, water and other projects. The
international community has stated that until the crisis is resolved, there
will be no international loans to Haiti. So, if Convergence maintains its
stance, the Government of Haiti will be denied the resources it must have to
serve the Haitian people. In light of Haiti's pressing social and economic
needs, and in light of Aristide's support throughout Haiti, Caribbean
governments must demand within the OAS that the San Jose resolution be
considered sacrosanct and inviolable, and that Convergence's rejection of the
OAS resolution be declared obstructionist The OAS resolution represents the
region's only realistic hope for ending the crisis in Haiti.
A New Look At Haiti
Democratically elected Caribbean governments must no longer allow Convergence
to hold the Haitian people hostage. More importantly, they must no longer
allow Convergence to hold them hostage.
In an effort to hasten the resolution of the crisis, the Government of Haiti
has done even more than was required by the OAS resolution. The government
has secured the resignation of the seven senators. In a show of good faith
it has reduced the term of all remaining senators elected in May 2000 by two
years. It has reduced by half the term of all deputies elected in May 2000
although the validity of those
elections was never questioned in the OAS Electoral Report. And the
government, the OAS, and the Catholic/Protestant Churches in Haiti are in
agreement that local officials should complete their terms, but will go to
the polls six months early. (The legitimacy of Haiti?s local elections was
never questioned by the OAS.)
Finally, until the crisis is resolved, the government has also committed to
hold off on scheduling the indirect elections that would lead to the
appointment of judges and the establishment of a permanent electoral council.
?Virtual? Democracy In A Caribbean Context
Convergence is seeking political power in Haiti via ?a global political
accord.?
The international community must be careful about introducing such alien and
undemocratic "arrangements" to a solidly democratic Commonwealth Caribbean
community. The Caribbean's politically ambitious but locally disdained have
never been able to work with foreign-based supporters to trump political
rivals who have built up a strong base of in-country popular support.
Successful politicians throughout the Caribbean community have had to woo,
compete, charm, and deliver for their nationals in exchange for political
power. It would be in the best interest of the entire region if Caricom
governments were to impress upon Convergence the fact that campaigning,
competing, and winning the hearts and minds voters are the only paths to
legitimate political power in a democracy. There is no prime minister or
opposition leader anywhere in the Caribbean community who has had political
power handed to them by the OAS, Caricom, Washington, or Ottawa. It is not
wise to head down this slippery slope in Haiti. The way forward in Haiti must
be illuminated and inspired by the Commonwealth Caribbean's long tradition of
vibrant democracy. Caribbean governments must resist any attempts to
re-introduce the kinds of anti-democratic ?political arrangements? that led
to so much suffering and injustice in ?the old Haiti.?
Caricom's Moment
With so much at stake, Caribbean governments must step forward now to restore
the San Jose Resolution as the sole blueprint for ending the crisis in Haiti.
Caricom governments must also recognize, expose, and counter any politically
motivated attempts to break the back of the Haitian government by those
clearly determined to make resolution of the crisis impossible. In so doing,
Caribbean governments will have met the challenge posed at this crucial
juncture in the region's history by being the principled voice that led the
OAS to say "enough" to unelected politicians in Haiti who, for too long, have
wreaked havoc with the lives of eight million Haitians.
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