12206: U.S. HAITI POLICY Remarks by Ambassador Lino Gutierrez, (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: Merrie Archer <MArcher@nchr.org>

U.S. HAITI POLICY

Remarks by Ambassador Lino Gutierrez,
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State

Dinner Discussion
Inter-American Dialogue Conference
"Haiti and Development Assistance"
Madison Hotel
Washington, D.C.
Wednesday, May 22, 2002

Thank you, Peter, for that warm introduction.  I would like to
congratulate the Inter-American Dialogue and the World Bank for organizing
this dinner and tomorrow's conference on "Haiti and Development
Assistance."  Many of the participants here tonight have labored for years
to help Haiti establish democracy and achieve greater prosperity.  To be
sure, there have been some success stories, and development assistance has
played a significant role -- particularly in undoing some of the harm
foisted upon Haiti by various dictators and military rulers throughout the
country's beleaguered history.  However, despite a nascent transition to
democracy, Haiti clearly has considerable ground to cover.  A conference
like this can help policymakers to explore when and where external
assistance to Haiti is most effective.

I want to first underscore the importance we place on the relationship
that exists between the United States and Haiti.  The American and Haitian
people have enjoyed close ties for two centuries, linked by geographic
proximity and by a common desire for independence.  The American
Revolution encouraged Haitians and, in turn, Americans were inspired by
the courage of those Haitians who led their people to free themselves from
the shackles of slavery.

Today, the growing influence and contributions of the Haitian-American
community -- including in business, medicine, the arts, politics, and in
public service -- are testament to the reality that our ties will grow
even closer in the years to come.

In 1804, Haiti gained its independence and became the hemisphere's
second-oldest republic.  In less than two years, Haiti will celebrate its
bicentennial.  This is an important milestone for the Haitian people and
we hope to join them in celebration.

Sadly, however, not all is well today in Haiti, one of the hemisphere's
poorest countries and perhaps its most troubled democracy.  Corruption,
drug trafficking, human rights abuses, increasing authoritarianism, and a
declining economy threaten Haiti's fragile institutions.  This situation
is a significant challenge for the Haitian people and the friends of Haiti
in the hemisphere and elsewhere.

Our objective in Haiti is clear.  We desire a fully democratic Haiti --
one that is more prosperous and more respectful of human rights.  With a
robust democracy, the Haitian people will enjoy a better standard of
living.  A functioning and independent judiciary can create a more
hospitable investment climate.  An independent and apolitical national
police can guarantee safety and security.  A freely and fairly elected
legislature can be an important balance to the power of the executive
branch.  A vibrant civil society, including an independent press, can
advocate for greater personal freedoms.  A more prosperous and democratic
Haiti is less likely to be a source of the drug trafficking and illegal
migration that currently pose a threat to international security.

Our Haiti policy rests on four pillars, all equally important.  We seek
to:

-- Support efforts to strengthen democracy and improve respect for human
rights;

-- Provide humanitarian assistance to the most vulnerable Haitians, and
actively promote sustainable economic development;

-- Discourage illegal migration, which threatens maritime safety and the
lives of those who risk dangerous sea travel; and

-- Stem the flow of illegal drugs through Haiti to the U.S.; roughly 7 to
10 percent of all cocaine consumed in the United States transits through
Haiti.

Whatever our policy differences with the government of Haiti, mitigating
humanitarian distress is among our immediate priorities.  Let me be
absolutely clear: the United States has not imposed sanctions, nor have we
placed an embargo, on Haiti.  We have a generous assistance program and
Haiti enjoys a normal investment and trade relationship with the United
States.  We do, however, choose to channel our assistance to the Haitian
people through international and local non-governmental organizations.  We
are not alone in carrying out this policy.  The government of Haiti's
shortcomings with regard to drugs, corruption, elections, and human rights
have led most donor countries and organizations to conclude that direct
assistance to the government of Haiti is neither feasible nor practical.

It's quite simple -- the government of Haiti has only itself to blame for
its deteriorating economy.  The international community wants nothing more
than to give Haiti a hand, but access to external assistance and loans
will remain limited because the government of Haiti refuses to adhere to
the most basic principles of good governance.  As Secretary of State
Powell said in The Bahamas in February, "we have to hold President
Aristide and the Haitian government to fairly high standards of
performance before we can simply allow the funds to flow into the
country."

My colleague, and our director of the USAID mission in Haiti, David Adams,
will participate in tomorrow's conference and address in detail our
assistance programs.  However, it is important for me to point out that
our assistance to Haiti is substantial.  On a per-capita basis, Haiti is
one of the largest beneficiaries of U.S. aid in the world.  Overall, U.S.
humanitarian assistance for the past four years totaled almost $300
million.  I repeat -- $300 million.

Last year alone, the United States provided Haiti with over $73 million
for food assistance, child immunization, HIV/AIDS, reproductive health,
primary school education, agricultural development, environmental
protection, disaster preparedness, and civil society strengthening.  We
plan to spend about $100 million over the next two years on similar
programs.  In short, we will not abandon the Haitian people.

And we have no intention to give up on the government of Haiti.  We are
certain that our relations will flourish with the implementation of
commitments to resolve the electoral crisis, strengthen democracy, and
improve respect for human rights.  This is what President Aristide
committed to Presidents Clinton and Bush with an eight-point agenda that
included measures to resolve the flawed legislative elections, improve
counternarcotics cooperation, strengthen democracy, and address security,
migration, and human rights issues.

President Bush has indicated to the Haitian president that these eight
points are a good starting point for realigning the relationship between
our two countries, and for advancing the best interests of the Haitian
people.

We have seen the government of Haiti take small steps toward fulfilling
its commitments.  The 2000 Carrefour-Feuilles and Raboteau trials proved
that the judiciary can be effective when there is political will.  The
recent arrest of one of Haiti's most infamous criminals and other
political thugs demonstrates the government of Haiti's ability to address
impunity.  And on May 15, Haiti finally signed a Letter of Agreement on
Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement with the United States, which could
be the beginning of closer cooperation with us on counternarcotics
initiatives.

However, we are disappointed with President Aristide's overall progress to
date on the implementation of these commitments, which are important to
our mutual interests.  We expect a much deeper commitment to basic
democratic principles and to efforts to resolve the political impasse.
There is no hiding our disappointment that, nearly eight years since the
restoration of elected government, Haiti has made so little progress.  As
Secretary of State Powell recently observed, "Haiti is still far from
supporting a democratically competitive political environment, in which
human and civil rights are respected and economic growth is made
possible."  In our view, President Aristide has several opportunities in
the coming weeks and months to achieve substantial progress on these
commitments, and we are hopeful that he will make good on his promises.

Put simply, Haiti needs to reverse its growing isolation from the
international community.  President Aristide's implementation of all of
his December 2000 commitments is the basis for a return to good relations
with the United States, including our ability to consider direct
assistance to the government of Haiti in areas of our mutual interest,
particularly on issues that have the most direct impact on our national
security.

Without a doubt, Haiti's greatest obstacle at the moment is the failure of
the government and the political opposition to reach an accord that would
permit them to move forward in rectifying the flawed elections of May 2000
and resolving the growing political impasse.  There has been some
progress, in large part due to the personal efforts of the Secretary
General and the Assistant Secretary General of the Organization of
American States.  However, these efforts will bear no fruit until all of
the political parties get serious, get to work, and get together.

We are deeply concerned that the political impasse has led to an overall
deterioration in respect for human rights and security.  Impunity for
government officials, sanctioned extrajudicial activity, and threats
against freedom of expression create a hostile and insecure environment.
Political violence -- including attacks last July on police facilities and
an armed assault in December on the National Palace that led to mob
attacks on the opposition -- is a persistent threat to dialogue and
reconciliation.

Intransigence on the part of all political parties has put into question
the commitment of Haiti's political leaders to resolving the impasse.
Boycotting the electoral process, like some political figures have
threatened, is not helpful either.  Democracy only succeeds when everyone
participates, but the conditions must be equitable for that democratic
competition to be meaningful.

We are hopeful that the recently arrived OAS mission in Haiti can help
investigate the political violence and create a more secure environment
for renewed negotiations in the coming weeks.  We encourage the Haitian
government to remain open to, and cooperative with, OAS efforts --
especially by undertaking steps outlined by the OAS Permanent Council,
which include:

a. the completion of a thorough, independent inquiry into the events
related to December 17, 2001;

b. the prosecution of any persons, and dismissal, when appropriate, of any
person found to be complicit in the violence of December 17, 2001, and
subsequent days;

c. the completion of a thorough inquiry into all politically motivated
crimes; and

d. reparations for organizations and individuals who suffered damages as a
direct result of the violence of December 17, 2001.

We have worked closely with the OAS Secretary General's "Friends of Haiti"
grouping to encourage broad international support for these efforts.  We
welcome the support of CARICOM and recognize the important role it has to
play in facilitating dialogue and reconciliation in Haiti.  However, no
foreign entity -- not the OAS, CARICOM, or the United States -- can impose
the needed reconciliation.  Only Haitians can bring about a sustainable
solution to the Haitian tragedy.

It's time for the Haitians to come together.  In the spirit of compromise,
the parties must return to the negotiating table immediately.  The
political impasse cannot be solved without negotiations.  An agreement
must be reached this summer in order for Haiti to move forward with
elections next year and the bicentennial celebrations in 2004.

Because he governs Haiti, President Aristide has primary responsibility to
take concrete steps to stem political violence and create a safe and
secure environment for negotiations and for implementation of a national
accord.  The government of Haiti must act now so that the OAS process will
have the fullest support possible.  The opposition has the obligation to
engage in good-faith negotiations.  Those elements of the Convergence who
oppose negotiations will be left behind, and the majority in favor should
move ahead as necessary.  No single party or negotiating team should have
a veto over a reasonable agreement.

Let me conclude by pointing out my personal affection for Haiti and the
Haitian people.  I served at the U.S. Embassy in Port-au-Prince in the
1980s and I fully appreciate the struggles of the Haitian people.  I saw
first-hand their desire for a better way of life, for greater freedoms,
and for enlightened leadership.  The demise of the Duvalier regime gave
the Haitian people great hope for their future.  However, many of the
country's greatest challenges remain.  We hope to help the Haitian people
realize their hopes, and it is for that reason that we support the OAS
process and encourage dialogue and reconciliation.  Haiti must take
advantage of the international community's willingness to lend a hand
before the impasse devolves into further violence and chaos.  As a Haitian
Creole proverb puts it: "Chance pas viens deux fois" -- Opportunity
doesn't come knocking a second time.  Now is the time and now is the
moment, and we urge Haiti to seize the opportunity.

Thank you.

(end text)

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