12604: Haiti Support Group press release: Where are the Haitian people? (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: Tttnhm@aol.com

Haiti Support Group press release:
Where are the Haitian people in the discussions about a political solution to
the current stalemate? The Haiti Support Group is concerned that, once again,
the Haitian people and their progressive, grassroots organisations are being
marginalised and excluded from the current negotiations. - 2nd August 2002


As a solidarity organisation that has sought to accompany progressive
organisations from Haiti's civil society over the last decade, the Haiti
Support Group wishes to draw attention to, and voice its concern about, the
minor - perhaps more accurately, non-existent -  role accorded to these
organisations in the current proposals for a political agreement to resolve
the dispute arising from the May 2000 elections.

The Haiti Support Group (HSG) has worked together with many Haitian
grassroots organisations in an effort to understand the aspirations and
demands of the Haitian majority, and to make them known to the British and
European public, to sympathetic civil society organisations in Europe, and to
national and international governments and policy-makers.

According to these grassroots organisations, despite the restoration of the
consitutional government in 1994, the poor majority continues to be excluded
from a meaningful participation in the important decisions effecting the
country. The organisations that most truly represent the majority have not
been allowed to play a proper role in the development or implementation of
policies for the economic, political and social reconstruction of Haiti.

Yet it is only through the involvement of community groups and grassroots
organisations in the national and regional decision-making processes that a
genuinely democratic system in Haiti can be realised. Only a genuine,
participatory democracy can bring about the changes to the policies and
structures that currently undermine the rights and potential of Haiti's poor
and marginalised.

In this context, the HSG is particularly alarmed to read the proposals and
counter-proposals contained in the Sixth Report of the Organisation of
American States Mission in Haiti, subtitled "In pursuit of efforts aiming at
finding a solution to the political crisis," dated 17 July 2002, and "Le sens
de la proposition de l'Accord politique de la Convergence Démocratique,"
dated 25 July 2002.

In these documents, there appears to be a consensus among the government, the
Democratic Convergence, and the OAS, that accepts the following formula for
the creation of a Provisional Electoral Council (Conseil Electoral
Provisoire, CEP) to oversee forthcoming elections:

1 representative of the Lavalas Family party,
1 representative of the Democratic Convergence coalition of political
parties;
1 representative of other political parties;
1 representative of the Catholic Bishops' Conference;
1 representative from the Protestant Federation;
1 representative of the Episcopalian Church;
1 representative of the Judiciary;
1 representative of the employers, nominated by the Chamber of Commerce and
Industry;
1 representative of human rights organisations, nominated by the Justice and
Peace Commission.

Thus, the political parties have three representatives, the church
hierarchies have three representatives, and of the remaining three, only one
- the human rights organisations' representative - can be said to emanate
from, or be involved with, the majority of Haitians.

This formula is quite a departure from that outlined in the 1987 Constitution
which included representatives of groups from outside the narrow confines of
the country's political, social and religious elite. One notes that the nine
representatives according to the Constitution include a representative from
the University Council, from the Association of Journalists, and from the
National Cooperatives Council, as well as from the human rights
organisations.

As for the detailed proposals for the agreement to end the dispute arising
from the May 200 elections, astonishingly the government makes no reference
whatsoever to civil society. By contrast, the counter-proposals made by the
Democratic Convergence refer to the involvement of civil society on many
occasions and in many key areas, but without ever specifying who or what that
civil society is, or how it is composed or represented.

The Convergence wants the Lavalas Family, the Convergence, and civil society
to establish an Electoral Safeguards Commission (Commission de Garanties
Electorales, CGE) that will propose intermediaries who will replace all the
mayors and local council (CASEC) members elected in 2000 until new elections
can be held. This CGE will monitor the performance and behaviour of all
officials from the time of the signing of an accord until the post-electoral
period, and will have the power of dismissal.

The Convergence also proposes that the CEP, in consultation with the
political parties, civil society and the Churches, sets up a Central
Committee to Monitor the Police (Comité central de surveillance de la police,
CCSP)

In one of its more contentious proposals, the Convergence proposes that it
nominates a Prime Minister, who together with the Head of State, and in
conjunction with civil society, will form a consensus government.

The Convergence also proposes a role for civil society, together with the
government and the opposition parties, in proposing individuals to replace
the existing High Court (Cour Supérieure des Comptes et du Contentieux
Administratif) during a transition period.

Finally, the Convergence proposes a Mixed Follow-Up Commission (Commission
Mixte de Suivi) composed of members designated by civil society, the
Episcopal Church, the Protestant Federation, human rights organisations and
the OAS Mission in Haiti, with the aim of strengthening democracy in Haiti in
collaboration with the CGE.


Without getting in to an appraisal of the Convergence's proposal, the Haiti
Support Group is concerned that no clear definition of 'civil society' is
mentioned. We are worried that the Convergence (and the OAS) will continue to
present the Civil Society Initiative Group (Groupe d'Initiative de la Société
Civile) as competent and genuine representatives of Haiti's civil society. If
this is not what the Convergence means, then we think the Convergence should
be clear about how it's concept of civil society will be represented, and
make this crucial information public.

The Civil Society Initiative Group was formed in 1999 and has played a
prominent role in the many failed attempts at finding a political agreement
since May 2000. The HSG understands that the Civil Society Initiative Group
has recently been granted between Euro700-800,000 by the European Commission
from its Human Rights and Democracy budget line.

Unfortunately, the Civil Society Initiative Group is wholly unrepresentative
of the Haitian majority, and is in fact a collection of business and
religious elite organisations. The members of the Civil Society Initiative
Group are:

Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Haiti (CCIH)
Franco-Haitian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (CFHCI)
Center for Free Enterprise and Democracy (CLED)
Protestant Federation of Haiti (FPH)
New Foundation of Haiti (FNH)
National Haitian Foundation for Private Education (FONHEP)
Committee for Patriotic Initiatives (CIP)
National Association of Distributors and Importers of Petroleum Products
(ANADIPP)
Democratic Initiatives (ID)
Insurance Association of Haiti (AAH)
National Haitian Teachers' Confederation (CNEH)
Haitian Tourist and Hoteliers' Association (ATH)
Friends of Nature Federation (FAN)
Chamber of Commerce and Industry of the Lower Artibonite (CCIBA)
Chamber of Commerce, Industry, and the Professions in the Southeast
General Independent Organizations of Workers of Haiti (OGITH)
Artibonite Entrepreneurs' Association (AEA)


In this list we can see some of the same organisations that are already lined
up for seats on the CEP. In general it is list of organisations representing
urban business and commercial interests, and others clearly linked to
conservative interests such as Rosny Desroches' private schools association,
FONHEP.

But what we don't see are organisations representing Haiti's peasants, women,
students, workers, poor urban neighbourhoods, journalists, youth, fishermen,
artisans, street traders, literacy teachers, human rights activists - in
short, the organisations that represent the vast majority of Haitians.


The Haiti Support Group is alarmed that once again the Haitian people and
their progressive grassroots organisations are being marginalised and
excluded from an important phase of the country's social, political and
economic development.

_______________________________________________

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The Haiti Support Group - solidarity with the Haitian people's struggle for
justice, participatory democracy and equitable development, since 1992.
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