12946: This Week in Haiti 20:24 8/28/2002 (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

"This Week in Haiti" is the English section of HAITI PROGRES
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                           HAITI PROGRES
              "Le journal qui offre une alternative"

                      * THIS WEEK IN HAITI *

                  August 28 - September 3, 2002
                         Vol. 20, No. 24


OAS IMPASSE IN WASHINGTON

Things seemed to be going in favor of President Jean-Bertrand
Aristide only one month ago, at least diplomatically. On Jul.26,
Roger Noriega, the U.S. ambassador to the Organization of the
American States (OAS) and current chair of that body's Permanent
Council, addressed a letter to the Democratic Convergence,
Haiti's tiny Republican-backed opposition front, to scold it for
"not demonstrating the flexibility that is needed now to reach an
initial Accord" with Aristide's government after a bitter two-
year electoral dispute. It was the first time that the U.S. and
OAS had blamed the opposition, rather than Aristide's government
and Fanmi Lavalas party (FL), for obstructing the negotiations.

But around the same time, Haiti's fourth largest city, Gonaïves,
began erupting in demonstrations calling for Aristide's ouster
(see Haïti Progrès, Vol. 20, No. 21, 8/7/02). Perhaps the "hidden
hand" of the CIA had a role in the uprising (as some Haitian
officials insinuated but never dared say) or perhaps Washington
simply wanted to take advantage of the situation to further
destabilize Aristide.

Whatever the case, the U.S. delegation to the OAS made an abrupt
about-face early this month. On Aug. 6, Washington's deputy
permanent representative to the OAS, Peter De Shazo, wrote OAS
Secretary General César Gaviria demanding "clarification" of
"several points." He wanted to know if the Haitian government was
agreeing to sign its own "Counterproposal by Fanmi Lavalas to the
Initial Draft Accord, Rev. 9 of June 12, 2002" or the OAS Draft
Initial Accord, which "differ significantly," he said.
Furthermore, De Shazo asked Gaviria to clarify "a) what steps
have been taken in compliance by the Government of Haiti, the OAS
and other parties; and , b) those steps that still need to be
taken to fully comply with Resolution 806," issued in January,
which specified multiple hoops through which the FL had to jump.

In an Aug. 7 letter to his boss Noriega as acting OAS Permanent
Council chairman, De Shazo explained how Washington had
effectively vetoed the passing of a pivotal OAS resolution which
might have facilitated releasing about $500 million in blocked
international aid for which the Aristide government is desperate.
"Little progress was made on Aug. 2 because the other delegations
did not wish to adopt an interim resolution and the United States
delegation did not wish to follow the precipitous path of
adopting a far-reaching resolution," the letter said.

Clearly Washington wants to tighten the language of any
resolution to reduce the Houdini-like Aristide's wiggle room.

In an Aug. 27 press conference, Ben Dupuy, secretary general of
the National Popular Party (PPN), explained in detail the
intricacies of the diplomatic wrangling at the OAS. He noted that
there was an amendment in the FL's "Counterproposal" to the OAS's
draft accord which might explain Washington's change of heart.

The amendment stipulated that thousands of local FL officials
elected in 2001 would remain in place until new elections, except
for those implicated in acts of violence. The amendment would
allow Aristide not to alienate thousands of his partisans. And
for another reason, "this amendment is key," Dupuy explained,
"because we know that if there is going to be an election, the FL
needs all the mayors and councilmen to stay in office so they can
carry out the election where a zero might become an eight, and an
eight a six." He was referring to the poll-figure tampering which
has marred past elections.

Dupuy also noted that the U.S. delegation is continuing to
pressure the Haitian government to round up the leaders of slum-
based popular organizations, historically Aristide's principal
base of support. The OAS gave Haitian authorities a 60 day
period, until Sep. 9, to arrest popular organization leaders
implicated in the violence of Dec. 17, when Convergence leaders'
homes and headquarters were sacked by angry crowds following an
apparent assassination attempt against Aristide.

Several popular organization leaders have already been arrested,
and Dupuy warned others that they risk being "sacrificed" by
Aristide to satisfy the OAS and US. "You better be careful if
[the FL] sends you out to sow violence that your name doesn't
wind up in an OAS commission report tomorrow," he said, using a
Creole proverb. "Remember, the club which beats the black dog can
beat the white one too."

What Haiti is experiencing today is "merely a rivalry between the
Fanmi Lavalas and the Convergence, between which there is no
great difference," Dupuy said, noting that the Haitian government
has cracked down on Haitian unionists, sold off national
territory for free trade zones, integrated the partisans and
functionaries of former dictatorships, engaged in massive
corruption schemes, and embraced neoliberal reforms. "It is just
a problem of dividing up the cake," he said.

Finally, Dupuy warned that an Aug. 18 Miami Herald article
entitled "Haitians' growing discontent with Aristide may force
U.S. to act" might augur U.S. military action. "We know that the
United States, especially with the Bush administration, thinks it
is the world's policeman," Dupuy said. "If they think that the
OAS can't do the job, they may act unilaterally, as they always
do, and invade."

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Please credit Haiti Progres.

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