13754: Ewen: Sun-Sentinel Article on Cite Soleil (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: Stephen Ewen <stephenewen@character4success.com>


By Tim Collie
Staff writer

November 21, 2002

CITe SOLEIL -- When the ruling Lavalas Family Party needed support during
elections two years ago, the well-muscled youth of the Comi Falasis went
throughout this vast urban slum strongly recommending a vote for President
Jean-Bertrand Aristide.

And when rebels allegedly launched a coup against the president in
December, these militant supporters took to the streets to attack his
opposition and destroy their homes and offices. At least 11 people were
killed in riots around the country.

They see themselves as patriots, the grass-roots supporters of a popular
president of a poor nation surrounded by enemies. But many here see them
simply as thugs, the latest in a long line of bloodless gangsters at the
beck and call of Haiti's rulers.

"When the government or the police need something, they come to us," said
D'Joe Winter, 27, a leader in the Falasis, whose name is a Creole acronym
for The Coordination of Lavalas Family Militants in Cite Soleil.

"We're not pro-Aristide, we're pro-government, pro-democracy," said
Winter. "The police can't defend this country. They need us. I'm not 100
percent happy with the government, but I don't want to go backwards. This
opposition, these are the same old guys who ruled the country before
Aristide."

Not criminals, they say

Known as chimeras, after the fire-breathing monsters of Greek mythology,
the Falasis is one of myriad political gangs emerging around the country
that may be spinning out of the control of their political masters. Taking
the names of Haitian patriots and with members sporting titles like
colonel and general, gang leaders have been instrumental in attacks,
assassinations and the disappearances of politicians, human rights workers
and journalists, according to diplomats and human rights groups.

In Cite Soleil, a slum of 200,000 people in the capital of Port-au-Prince,
chimeras led by rival gangsters have launched wars on each other and the
national police, who are attempting to disarm them under a mandate from
the Organization of American States. Gunfire can be heard around the slum
on most nights, and bodies are often picked up and carted away in the
morning.

"It's very dangerous here, day and night," said Winter, bobbing a small
child on his leg as a lookout kept a watchful eye on the street outside
his house, a considerably nicer spread than most in Cite Soleil. He said
he was most concerned with being seen talking to two white journalists
driving an SUV, the favored vehicle of Lavalas elites.

"The gangs, the chimeras here, they see strangers come in here, and they
assume that the government has come in to make a payoff to us," he
explained, appearing nervous. "We're going to get hit after this, going to
get a visit. They're going to think we got a payoff today."

Winter and other Falasis members insist they are not criminals -- they are
not running drugs and do not attack other gangs for money, just politics.
They also point to Haiti's long, violent history as explanation for the
way politics is simply carried out here -- a boss system like that which
once existed in the United States.

And like many others in Haiti these days, they are quite articulate about
their distrust of all the country's leaders, including Aristide.

"I'm 25 years old -- you think I want to do this?" said Evens Gerbier,
another member of the Falasis. "I've never had a single decent job in my
life, but I have to feed my family. Personally, if the Bush brothers came
over here and ran this country, I'd be quite happy."

Who's in charge?

Diplomats and other observers of Haiti's chaotic politics are divided on
whether the gangs are still under Aristide's control. Some suggest they
may have taken on a life of their own, similar to the posses of Jamaica,
which were created decades ago by political parties interested in
controlling turf. To counter gang violence, Haiti has a 3,000-man police
force that is poorly equipped and not well-trained.

"The bottom line is, we're not sure who controls the gangs," said a senior
State Department official who spoke on condition of anonymity. "Aristide
certainly controls the government. Whether he controls the country is
another question.

"Many of them are incredibly well-armed," the official said. "We're not
talking machetes and pistols. We're talking about automatic weapons,
grenades, things like that. Our understanding is they're available for
hire."

In the city of Gonaives, a chimera group called the Cannibal Army broke
their leader, Amiot "Cuban" Metayer, out of jail in August, using a
bulldozer and automatic weapons. Metayer, a former Aristide loyalist,
called for his overthrow. His gang currently is fighting another group
called the Vampire Army, which still may be backed by Lavalas.

Despite these signs of fracture, others say the chimeras are clearly at
the disposal of Haiti's ruling party, the Lavalas Family, which controls
millions of dollars to pay for their support. The gangs follow a long line
of private enforcers created by Haitian leaders, who historically have
distrusted the country's established military. The Duvalier family, which
ruled Haiti for 29 years, used a private army known as Tonton Macoutes
that at one time numbered more than 200,000 people.

"The difference is that before, no government actually came out and took
credit for the gang violence," said Pierre Esperance, the outspoken
director of the National Coalition for Haitian Rights, who had his kneecap
shot off during pre-election attacks in 2000. "But Lavalas is quite open
about it and quite proud. They actually openly say they've armed these
groups and use them to attack the opposition. That's the difference -- the
absolute impunity of the government to crush its opponents."

Aristide does have a long history of making statements that seem to
condone mob violence, including both lynching and necklacing, the practice
of placing burning tires around the neck of an enemy. But Lavalas leaders
see the current situation differently. Aristide is being isolated by the
international community, led by the United States, and crippled from
within by oligarchs whose wealth he wants to tax.

They call them thugs

That has given hope to former members of the ousted military, ex-police
and others who seek to overthrow Aristide, these supporters say.

"Every time the people come out to save their government, the one they
voted for in free and fair elections, the rich describe them as chimera
and call them thugs," said Yves Cristalin, a Lavalas member who serves in
the Chamber of Deputies. "What are they supposed to do, sit back and watch
their country be taken back from them again? This country has been through
a lot, this president needs the support of the people because there are
well-armed forces here that seek to destroy him."

But Winter and his fellow chimeras offer a word of warning for the regime
in power.

"We don't want to go back to chaos, that's why we stick with this
government, even though it's not that great," he said. "But if they quit
supporting us, if they abandon the other chimera, you're going to see
things change here."

Staff Writer Rafael Lorente contributed to this story.

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