13909: Nadal: Strategy to Transform HNP and the Judiciary system into a force of repression in Haiti. (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: Olivier Nadal <o_nadal@bellsouth.net>

I have read   Mr. Chamberlain's post no.13891 and I will answer to it later
in the day or tomorrow,since my kids need the computer for their
homework.What I can say briefly is that what I am posting on the Corbett
List is not propaganda and I will definetely answer to Mr.Chamberlain.
 In the meantime, I am including this very interesting document writen by
former haitian Senator Rony Mondestin about the strategy to transform the
Haitian National Police and the judiciary system into a force of repression
in Haiti.
Olivier Nadal


ON MAY 3RD 2001CONCLAVE OF WHITE-COLLAR CHIMÈRES
HELD AT THE NATIONAL PALACE


“The nature of men is such that they hold on to each other not only for what
they do one for the other, but also for what they receive from each other.”
(Machiavelli)

Last Thursday, May 3rd, men and women perhaps of good faith gathered at the
National Palace to celebrate the assassinations of some well to do Haitians,
among which Mireille D. Bertin, General Max Mayard, Michel Gonzalez, Pastor
Leroy, Father Jean Pierre-Louis, Dr. Hary Bordes, Senator Toussaint, Jean
Dominique and countless more.

They were also rejoicing over the exile of others such as Olivier Nadal,
Léon Manus, Duly Brutus, as well as many other men and women who were forced
to leave Haiti, a country left to survive amid the daily violence of armed
paramilitary factions tolerated by the party in office. They went to the
National Palace to rejoice over the victories of rioters, stone-throwing
gangs, incendiaries, hirelings, and those working against common sense,
reason, and the Rule of Law.

Some were demanding justice for the late Jean Dominique, but that will never
happen because Jean Dominique himself, while alive, never demanded justice
for Mireille D. Bertin, Max Mayard, Michel Gonzalez, or Senator Toussaint.
Today’s accomplices will certainly be tomorrow’s victims.
Some who were present at the National Palace on May 3 would claim that they
were seeking peace or better yet, a solution to the current crisis. To what
crisis are we referring to and finding a solution to what? Ladies and
Gentlemen, in this crisis there were two parties that infringed the election
legislations and one victim. One occurred during the May 21st Election
(embodied by those who were supposedly elected) and the other during the
November 26 Election (embodied by the supposedly elected one). The Haitian
people are the victim. Those trying to find the solution cannot expect to
reach an agreement by simply laying a “deal” at the foot of the one who
infringed the election legislation on November 26 – deal aiming at
eliminating the one who infringed the election legislation on May 21. Ladies
and Gentlemen, by showing your children and your grand children such
unethical moral standards, you are breeding and teaching tomorrow’s society
to become dealers.

The Haitian people are at whit’s end and want peace. Nevertheless, no one
(especially not you) is authorized to grant in its name, that which was
refused to everyone on May 21 and on November 26, i.e. legitimacy. Liberty
and democracy cannot be fought for with a series of bad choices. One must be
armed with courage, truth, sincerity, tears and blood to enforce standards
and values cherished the world over instead of those recently stated in the
recent Déclaration de Quebec. If one keeps sinning consistently against
these virtues, he is bound to be carried away by the groundswells and the
criminal behavior of the State.

Ladies and Gentlemen, who were at the National Palace on May 3. If one day
you are exiled. If one day you were to become outraged by the assassination
of one of your beloved one. If one day you were to watch your store being
burned by arson, it would be because you did not go to the Palace that day
to lift up your voice to defend the rights of Olivier Nadal, Léon Manus,
Daly Brutus, and many others to live freely in their country.


R.M.
MRN





STRATEGY TO TRANSFORM PNH
AND THE JUDICIARY SYSTEM
INTO CHIMÈRES DIVISONS




PRELIMINAIRIES TO A LOW INTENSITY DICTATORSHIP




PRELIMINARY DOCUMENT



April 2001



CONTENT

1. General context

2. Reminder of a few facts

3. Interpreting the facts: implementation of a militia and a political
police
3.1 Transforming PNH into a division of vassals
3.2 Destroying the PNH chain of command and the chain of promotion of if
officers
3.3 Allegiance of PNH to the militia in city halls

4. The Negotiations are a trick
4.1 Convergence wasting time, Lavalas making progress
4.2 The pattern of negotiations legitimize the fait accompli
4.3 JB Aristide does not take the international community seriously

5. Negotiations under OAS supervision
5.1 Victim negotiating with his executioner
5.2 OAS / Luigi Enaudi wants to marginalize Convergence

6. Preliminaries to true negotiations
6.1 Framework – Compensation for the victim, Condemnation of the executioner

7. Convergence neutralize JB Aristide’ strategy
7.1 Neutralization of problems between JB Aristide and PNH
7.2 Rescuing PNH - Platform or Resistance
7.3 Diplomatic Campaign against the restructuring of a militia
7.4 Political Communication Plan - Two mutually exclusive political projects

Appendix

1. GENERAL CONTEXT

This document represents the contribution of the MRN association to the fray
that the Haitian people and its vanguard grass roots organizations are
carrying out against the resurgence of totalitarianism in Haiti. Some will
make it a priority to underline the symmetry of the situation with one
encountered within a forty-year period: in 1961, it was the birth of
Papadoquisme (Papadoc era), and in 2001, it was the birth of Artistidsime
(Aristide era). If one feeds off the other, the fray today does not have any
specificity linked to provoking factors, or to the behaviors of players, or
to international constraints, and to national dynamics.
The fray started during the development of the 2000 electoral process, and
to date, it has gone through four distinctive periods:
1. Phase 1 - The electoral battle (May – August 2000).
2. Phase 2 - The political fray (October-November 2000 boycott of the
Presidential elections).
3. Phase 3 - Opening of a political project (December 2000-January 2001).
4. Phase 4 – Maturation of an alternative political project (February 7
2001-).

The fourth phase is the subtlest for Convergence because it implies an
adjustment of their speech, options, practices and expectations. Convergence
cannot afford to miss the fray, the opponent, or the front. The fray against
dictatorship, contrary to the struggle against elections, is a long-range
one. It implies a commitment from every Haitian. A fray is conceived and
carried out by the nationals that are committed to principles and values on
a voluntary entry basis, not in the headquarters of foreign embassies.

The success of the rallying campaign, launched by Convergence during in
March, was not fully perceived because on first glance, it was neither
political nor diplomatic: it was a strategic campaign. It forced JB Aristide
to lay down his totalitarian views too soon and reveal his real game plan.
Anyone building a totalitarian project does it discretely and anonymously.
Form March 17-21, 2001, against its will, Haitian society had to travel to
“Aristide land”. Many came to the land, visited and understood what was
going on between the broken windshields, the pocketbooks of small and medium
size businesses, the total disrespect for places of worship, and the
kidnapping of students.

Aristide’s project and the project of the Haitian nation are jointly
exclusive. To be coherent, Aristide has been playing a misleading game in
the negotiations that has to be stopped because it strengthens him in his
double-meaning speech and makes it easy for the international community in
his role of director disguised as Pontius Pilate to legitimize the pretences
of some civilian organizations (mediator – actor / facilitator – spectator).



2. REMINDER OF A FEW FACTS

1. On April 3 2000, first-degree murder of Jean Dominique, owner and founder
of Radio Haiti Inter. According to the IAPA, some close followers of JB
Aristide planned the murder.
2. On the evening of May 21 2000, PNH (Haitian National Police) troops were
used to divert the ballot boxes, falsify the proceedings of the tally of
votes, and sabotage the elections as a whole. In other words, it was an
electoral coup d'état.
3. On May 22 2000, an attempt was made to murder Paul Denis, a retiring
Senator and seeking another term, by a USP commando coming from the National
Palace. Paul Denis was jailed unjustifiably and was later released without
the occurrence of a trial.
4. Beginning of June 2000, prompted by President René Préval and JB
Aristide, Lavalas carried out a wave of terror in the country to oblige the
CEP President Léon Manus to publish fraudulent results. Leon Manus left the
country.
5. July 2000, the St-Louis du Sud “Mayor”, armed with a gun, kept Professor
Hervé Denis from teaching at a conference to the local population.
6. October 6 2000, Ronald Camille alias Ronald Cadavre, an employee of the
APN and presumed murderer of Senator Toussaint, attempted to necklace the
Delmas Chief of Police Jacky Nau during a gathering of JB Aristide followers
in front of the CEP premises.
7. A few weeks later, on October 18, some Chiefs of Police and among them
Jacky Nau are force to seek political asylum in Ecuador. Jacques E. Alexis
faked an excuse to justify the prosecution saying they were plotting against
the surety of the State. In reality, this was a maneuver by Donald Steinberg
from the Department of State (Wall Street Journal) to purge PNH from people
he considered hindrances to the Lavalas Regime. The same Chiefs of Police
were the ones who organized and supervised the diversion of the ballot boxes
and tally of votes on the evening of the May 21 2000 elections.
8. Beginning of January 2001, a Lavalas follower Paul Raymond threatened
publicly several peaceful citizens with a death threat.
9. A few days later, the members of the District Attorney’s office of
Port-au-Prince had to flee the country because of threats received from a
crowd in Paul Raymond’s pay.
10. On February 8 2001, incited by JB Aristide, a coalition was formed at
the USGPN (General Security Division of the National Palace) in view of
setting aside its Commanding Officer. This skilled division of PNH was
responsible for the security at the Palace and was composed almost
exclusively of former officers of the Haitian Army. It is well disciplined
and equipped. Aristide does not trust them and he wishes to disband it at
his earliest.
11. Mid February 2001, the Examining Magistrate Claudy Garsant (Jean
Dominique’s affair) was threatened to be killed by the controversial deputy
Milien Romage, himself a former member of the Aristide’ security forces, and
presumed murderer of Pastor Leroy and J. Fleurival in 1995. Both were
members of the MDN.
12. End of February 2001, inauguration of a former Lavalas follower Harvel
Jean-Baptiste as PNH General Administrator. His assignment was to threaten
the police officers in their job while constraining them to submit to the
henchmen of the Lavalas Regime.
13. Mid March 2001, election of Ronald Camille with an overwhelming majority
as Chief of APN Security in Port-au-Prince. This was part of the tentative
approach to institutionalize the Chimères (Aristide’ armed forces) and
intimidate the business sector now forced to accept R. Cadavre as the person
in charge of safeguarding their containers of goods.
14. On March 14 2001, some armed Chimères in Petion-Ville at the Mayor’s pay
forcefully stopped a peaceful gathering organized by Convergence in front of
OAS premises. The Chimères neutralized the Police in Petion-Ville with a
volley of rocks.
15. Some armed civilians in Lavalas’ pay, cracked down on a peaceful
demonstration in Desdune. One person was gunshot.
16. Between March 19 – 21, the Chimères received orders to block access to
the capital Port-au-Prince, to burn everything on the way, brake car
windshields and use violence against university goers, students and so on.
In addition, it was done openly. The city halls of Pétion-Ville, Delmas and
Carrefour coordinated this act of violence.
17. On March 17 2001, some Lavalas freaks destroyed the private home of
Pastor Mesadieu in Gonaives. Pastor Mesadieu was in charge of MOCHRENA.
18. On March 19 2001, Lavalas followers disrespected the protestant temples
in Gonaives.
19. On March 20 2001, armed Lavalas followers attempted to burn the premises
of Convergence at Pont Morin, with the Police on the scene.
20. Armed Lavalas followers attempted to attack the private home of Gérard
Gourgue, the Provisory President of Convergence. For two hours, they
terrorized the two hundred students who where at the Institution Secondaire
Gérard Gourgue on that day.
21. On March 21 2001, JB Aristide made a threatening declaration in
reference to Catilina’’ statement of (made in 63 BC).
22. On March 21 2000, the Mayor of Maissade Dongo Joseph and his henchmen
beat the magistrate of the Hinche. He committed a further offense a few days
later by threatening the Government Commissioner of Hinche.
23. On March 27 2001, Nesly Lucien, former bodyguard of JB Aristide and Head
of USP Division (Presidential Security Division) was inaugurated as the
Chief of PNH. According to foreign information bureaus, USP Division devised
and carried out all the political murders that happened in Haiti between
1994-2000. The assignment of Nesly Lucien was to put PNH to the exclusive
service of JB Aristide and serve as a tool to intimidate, to clean up and to
implement extra-judiciary actions.
24. Inauguration of Mr. Rosemond Fabien, former Director of APN in Cap
Haitien at the head of the Judiciary Police. His assignment was to lead
police investigations in the direction wanted by the Regime, and should the
need arise, to smother any inconvenient investigations. Therefore, the
political murders will never be solved. The opponents to the Regime will
always be persecuted and the political friends of the Regime will be
protected even if they are exposed.
25. On March 26 2001, at the end of an anti-Lavalas demonstration, the
‘Mayor’ of Petit-Goave Emmanuel Antoine shot at the crowd and at the Police
who came to the rescue.
26. On March 28 2001, JB Aristide made a smooth statement on peace and
dialogue.
27. On March 29 2001, City Hall and the Police Station in Mirebalais banned
any demonstration non-authorized by the Lavalas Regime.
28. Yvon Bonhomme, an assistant to René Civil (JPP) and employee at
Port-au-Prince’s City Hall made a request to the District Attorney’s Office
and as a result, a Jamaican drug dealer once incarcerated at Fort National
was released. To conceal the matter, the Justice Minister fired the
assistant District’s Attorney who claimed he was only carrying out orders
from above, i.e. from Commissioner Josué Pierre-Louis.
29. Transfer – sanction in the midst of PNH ordered by the “President”
without the participation of the Advisory Counsel of the Police as required
by the law. One can mention the cases of St Gourdin, Alexandre or Charlier
to that effect.
30. Inauguration of Auriel Jean, member of USP Division at the head of the
USGPN. He is a former member of SSP, and a hired gunman dedicated to JB
Aristide. The USGPN division is currently demobilized in the premises of the
Casernes Dessalines awaiting its disbandment altogether.
31. On March 31 2001, upon the request of the Lavalas “Mayor” Emmanuel
Antoine, the inspector of Petit-Goave was transferred elsewhere. Two days
earlier, because the local Police protected a peaceful demonstration, E.
Antoine denounced the inspector as a man favorable to Convergence.





3. INTERPRETING THE FACTS

This sequence of events, which looks incoherent, is a reflection of the
silent and unbreakable will to implement a system based on the subordination
of PNH to a militia focused on the city halls and local communities. To do
this, the Lavalas Regime planed to transform PNH into a division of vassals,
which will pervert its original structure, its original functioning and its
original mission.

3.1 TRANSFORMING PNH INTO A DIVISION OF VASSALS
In the eyes of JB Aristide, PNH is the only group susceptible to resist his
totalitarian views, especially through its specialized divisions such as the
CIMO, USGPN, SWAT TEAM etc.. Most men were former officers of the Haitian
Army. JB Aristide plans to neutralize and disband them in order to
restructure the groups with his henchmen, without them or his political
opponents or his international tutors noticing it. This is why JB Aristide
has been moving inch by inch to divert the attention of his opponents. The
initial phase of transformation of PNH was brought about without any major
problem through three apparently insignificant nominations:
1. Harvel Jean-Baptiste at the head of the Inspection Générale.
2. Nesly Lucien as the General Manager.
3. Rosemond Julien as the Chief of Judiciary Police.

The three men have two main qualities that make them eligible in the eyes of
JB Aristide:
1. They are not police officers.
2. They only live through JB Aristide.

In Aristide land, the criterion of selection of a candidate is not his area
of expertise, but the level of his devotion to the Supreme head of state. In
any normal country, if three people were nominated to lead the National
Police without being police officers themselves, it would be equivalent to a
blind man leading another blind man. In Aristide land, this is called,
“Bringing life to the dynamics of peace”, and is awarded an invitation to
the Summit of the Americas.

3.2 DESTROYING THE PNH CHAIN OF COMMAND AND THE CHAIN OF PROMOTION OF ITS
OFFICIERS
This means cleansing PNH of its disciplined, educated and trained officers
who represent real pockets of resistance to Lavalas. Several men were ousted
or set aside: Alexandre from the CIMO, Charlier from the Inspection
Générale, and Latortue from the USGPN. All the other Regional Divisions or
Police Stations would have the same fate.

JB Aristide would become by power of attorney the true boss of PNH. The
basis for promotion in the Police would not be founded on one’s worth or one
’s dedication to service, but on one’s devotion to JB Aristide, and his zeal
in carrying out the regime’s dirty jobs (intimidation, murder, unlawful
traffic).
ALLEGIANCE OF PNH TO THE MILITIA IN CITY HALLS
For the Lavalas Regime, city halls are the primary tools for developing a
militia that would be responsible for controlling the local police. In this
system, the ideal Chief of Police is a Lavalas follower who does what the
boss wants before the boss actually asks him to do it. Since Harvel
Jean-Baptiste arrived at the Inspection Générale, he quickly picked the
submissive men, those who were ready to give in to the game and sent them
all over the country, according to the demands of each city hall.

To illustrate this, on March 28 in Petit-Goave, after the bloody events of
March 26 2001, the “Mayor” Emmanuel Antoire asked the transfer of an
inspector he thought was too friendly toward Convergence. It was granted on
March 31. In Mirebalais, the system works wonderfully since the Chief of
Police banned demonstrations non-authorized by the Lavalas Regime. Who has a
better offer?

Because of the trend of things, in a few weeks PNH will be a docile tool in
the hand of JB Aristide to intimidate, crackdown, and execute his
extra-judiciary work. Therefore, the Chimères will be able to wear a Police
uniform to ransom businessmen, brake into private homes and do all kinds of
unlawful things.


4. THE NEGOCIATIONS ARE A TRICK

The word trick means, “An apparatus used to outwit others and implies
deception for fraudulent purposes”. Negotiations were launched with Lavalas
but they only serve to deceive the vigilance of the nation and of
Convergence.

4.1 CONVERGENCE WASTING TIME, LAVALAS MAKING PROGRESS
To implement his system JB Aristide is counting on the lack of clairvoyance
of his political opponents and on his ability to maneuver, while hiding his
true intentions. He needs time and discretion. To do this, he must bring his
challengers to spent their time and energy on things that are secondary in
his eyes (the negotiations). At the same time he has to keep them from
seeing clearly in his game (setting up a militia) and appropriating for
himself the benefits of phony negotiations (international recognition),
while buying time for himself for the establishment and the breaking-in of
his repressive system.

4.2 THE PATTERN OF NEGOTIATIONS LEGITIMIZE THE FAIT ACCOMPLI
The negotiations have not been a serious problem for the Lavalas Regime when
it comes to keeping up with its objectives, convictions and options. The
outline adopted by Lavalas is very coherent because it ensures constant
diplomatic success over the opposition. A few points can illustrate this:
1. JB Aristide promises everything but gives nothing.
2. The victim – the Haitian people and its organizations – and the
executioner are on the same pedestal.
3. The repetitive negotiations legitimize the fait accompli

4.3 JB ARISTIDE DOES NOT TAKE THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY SERIOUSLY
On February 13 2001, President Bush endorsed the eight-point commitment
letter JB Aristide sent to former President Clinton. Nobody held anything
against him in spite the fact he did not keep his commitments. At that time
indeed, JB Aristide had already broken the first three:
• He had created Lavalas Government.
• He had created CEP with his friends.
• He had nominated his bodyguard at the head of the National Police.

To top it off, between April 20 and 22, he was invited to the Summit of the
Americas while OAS sent him flowers for good conduct through third party
Luigi Enaudi. JB Aristide’s attitude will not change because he does not
take the international community seriously and is not afraid of their
sanctions. For Lavalas, the alliance of Convergence with the white minority
is blocking the financial international aid, and therefore the country. In
addition, the many calls of civil society to both parties to come to the
negotiating table are helping him in thinking so. This complacent attitude
allows Lavalas to erase its wrong step – the election coup – and belittles
this political fray against totalitarianism by bringing it to a simple fray
for power. This is equivalent to asking the victim to negotiate with its
executer and comply with its terms (Lavalas).

JB Aristide has displayed such open contempt towards the international
community and its written commitments. How can one ask Convergence to trust
him? Can Enaudi expect JB Aristide to keep the eight-point commitment signed
on 13 February 2001 by President Bush?



5. NEGOTIATIONS UNDER OAS SUPERVISION

The current negotiation framework is very favorable to JB Aristide; why
should he not take advantage of it?

5.1 VICTIM NEGOTIATING WITH HIS EXECUTIONER
By sticking to President Clinton’s model of democracy, which OAS has been
following, Convergence has everything to loose since OAS established
symmetry between executioner and victim (two protagonists). This model of
democracy wipes out Lavalas’ work and puts the pressure on Convergence to
force it to negotiate an abusive agreement that allows the international
community to save face.
Those striving to keep this model of diplomacy are OAS, civil society, the
religious sector as well as some media circles. Consciously or not, they are
relaying the “international community”, too involved with Lavalas in their
common relatively lawful business, and yet not too keen about maintaining
Lavalas in power against the will of the Haitian people. After seven years
of uninterrupted rein, Lavalas has built undisclosed international relations
that it uses as efficient relay points to promote its own diplomacy and
political marketing.

5.2 OAS / LUIGI ENAUDI WANTS TO MARGINALIZE CONVERGENCE
On March 30 2001, OAS made a statement announcing the coming of its
Ambassador Luigi Enaudi. This reveals a significant move of the
international community concerning the period within which to solve the
Haitian political crisis. To this effect, the leaders of Convergence must
choose between the personal opinions of diplomats and the best interest of
the OAS States.

According to the press release, “Mr. Enaudi will be in Haiti between April 1
and 4 to have direct consultations with the Government as well as other
important sectors of the political community and members of civil society…”
He did not plan anything with the opposition or with Convergence.

The assistant to the General Secretary announced, “The sentence asked by JB
Aristide could greatly contribute to the creation of conditions essential to
dialogue and reconciliation.” Now, Aristide is good and kind. He has become
the democrat who won a place in the international community (Summit of the
Americas). General Secretary Cesar Garviria confirmed this in a report on
May 2, 2001. More than likely, there would be a plea to ease the sanctions
that penalize the lower people and the game is over.

The visit of Enaudi represented a diplomatic attempt aiming at showing that
JB Aristide is a caring democrat, one who has the interest of his country in
mind, whereas the opposition is made of several extremist parties that
should be marginalized.

Enaudi’s objectives are:
• To favor the emergence of a low-profile dictatorship in Haiti around JB
Aristide
• To obtain from Convergence a alleged reason such as an unreasonable
agreement to lift the sanctions and give Aristide a free hand
• To provoke if needed the appearance of so-called moderates – civil
society – on the scene to eradicate any true opposition to JB Aristide.

5.3 JB Aristide must obtain a favorable report from Cesar Gaviria at the
beginning of May.
Once again, JB Aristide intends to take advantage of this new wave of pseudo
negotiations to project himself as a democrat on the international scene,
weeks away from the publication of a report on Haiti by Cesar Gaviria. One
can expect that JB Aristide would make all kinds of promises, even the
publication of the report. His objectives in April are:
 To multiply his declarations of intent for use by international community,
in order to justify his presence at the Summit of the Americas between April
20 and 22 2001.
 For a brief moment, use the supervision of OAS to marginalize the
opposition. That will enable him to withdraw completely from his commitment
to keep the eight points.
 To obtain a favorable report form Secretary General Cesar Gaviria that
could be a starting point to ease the sanctions.
 To use the time of the negotiations to continue to present everyone with a
fait accompli that he would legitimize at each negotiation cycle.


6. PRELIMINARIES TO TRUE NEGOTIATIONS

Eventually, JB Aristide will have to come to the negotiating table in good
faith according to a framework that keeps the facts steady, and that
respects the principles of integrity.

6.1 FRAMEWORK:  COMPENSATION FOR THE VICTIM, CONDEMNATION OF THE EXECUTIONER
To be credible, Convergence must show its determination to lead a democratic
fray to establish the truth and a framework of negotiations that would
require compensation for the victim (the Haitian people and its
organizations) and condemnation of the executioner.

Since the forceful inauguration of JB Aristide at the National Palace, he
has not kept any of his commitments. As proof, one can name:
 The establishment of a Government where his political friends reign.
 The establishment of a Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) bound to
promote him.
 Between March19-21, prelude to a campaign of terror that culminated in an
attempt to burn Convergence premises and the profanation of protestant
places of worship in Gonaives.
 Nesly Lucien, Aristide’s bodyguard was elected as the Chief of Police.
 The transformation of most city halls into Lavalas’ strongholds called to
succeed the Police (incident in Petit-Goave).
 Immunity for Lavalas members such as Paul Raymond, Ronald Camille,
Emmanuel Antoine, Dongo Joseph, and Willio Joseph who have proven guilty of
crimes and offenses.

6.2 PRELIMINARIES TO NEGOTIATIONS
To inspire a minimum of trust, JB Aristide must show proof of his good will
to respect his commitments at least towards the President of the United
States. He has to create a right climate for the negotiations by showing
concrete actions. He has to commit to the following:
 Handing over to Justice Ronald Camille, guilty of attempting the murder of
the Chief of Police Jacky Nau.
 Handing over to Justice Paul Raymond who made death threats to peaceful
citizens.
 Disbanding all the armed groups and militia he created in city halls.
 Handing over to Justice Dongo Joseph, guilty of having authorized the
beating of the Judge of the peace in the city of Hinche.
 Freeing all political prisoners.

JB Aristide cannot agree these demands, in spite the fact of their
insignificant appearance. If he were to satisfy them, he would undermine the
foundations of his own system, which is based on the superiority of the
Chimères over the police officers, and gives total impunity to the zealous
Chimères. By bringing Aristide to administer Justice, one is proving to the
public the perversion embedded in Lavalas on one hand. On the other, it is
showing his double dealings:  he speaks of peace and implements a corrupt
system, he speaks of peace while planning the dismantling of the Police, the
elimination of his political foes, the removal of rights and civil
liberties. In reality, Aristide is preparing the peace of cemeteries. That
might be the reason why the Minister de facto for Arts said on the radio
that during the Summit of the Americas, JB Aristide would make an exposé on
“Cultural diversity … such as the culture of peace”. By claiming justice for
the police officers and the Judges of the peace that were victims in the
hand of the Lavalas, the political fray changes gear for Convergence: it
becomes a more general fight where everyone has to watch for himself, and
one with the ability to rally more people.


7. CONVERGENCE NEUTRALIZE JB ARISTIDE’ STRATEGY

The ultimate strategy of JB Aristide is to cleanse PNH.  In other words, he
wants to eliminate the disciplined men, more clearly the former militaries.
The demobilization of USGPN shows that this process has started already.

7.1 NEUTRALIZATION OF PROBLEMS BETWEEN JB ARISTIDE AND PNH
In the next few days, Convergence should provoke a large debate on the
National Police aiming at:
 Keeping JB Aristide from standardizing the body of Police
 Provoking a stiffening inside the threatened divisions
 Putting JB Aristide on the defensive in regards to his international
tutors
 Winning the sympathy of those inside the institution who are sound
 Pushing the climate of mistrust between JB Aristide and the armed forces

Every effort should be made to keep PNH from fearing the Chimères, like in
1961 when they had to face the Tonton Macoute. The public debate would
strengthen the lukewarm and reinforce the courage of the ones that are more
determined. Indications even reveal that the concerned parties do not see
themselves as expiatory victims.
7.2 RESCUING PNH - PLATFORM OR RESISTANCE
Convergence could take advantage of this problem that JB Aristide created in
the midst of the security forces and build a platform for resisting
dictatorship. Such project would spread over 4-6 weeks while requiring a
minimum of resources to achieve remarkable results. Convergence would have
the opportunity to show society how the two political undertakings
contradict each other. For that matter, Convergence would have to elaborate
a confident speech to move the following people:
 The police officers that would be wiped out like the militaries under Papa
Doc.
 The youth who would not be able to have a career in an institution under
Lavalas rule
 The businessmen who would be ransomed by the Chimères camouflaged as
police officers
 The citizen who would have no guarantee of security for his life and
belongings
 Public opinion would watch the imminent creation of a militia like the VSN
(Tonton Macoute), and the National Police will have to summit to it …

Lavalas was successful in conveying the idea that Convergence is a gathering
of several parties without a common vision fighting for power. Convergence
should take advantage of this situation to project to the public the image
that they are an organization that cares about the stability of the country
as an institution in regards to the delinquent irresponsibility of JB
Aristide. Political marketing should concentrate on a communication plan
aiming at convincing Convergence superiority over Lavalas concerning
safeguarding the interest of the country.

The battle to keep the integrity of PNH is the occasion for Convergence to
refocus its political fray on the restoration of moral, social, and
institutional ethics that Lavalas destroyed. JB Aristide represents a threat
against which society should reach by drawing up a political counter
proposal run by Convergence.

7.3 DIPLOMATIC CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE RESTRUCTURING OF A MILITIA
One can justify such a campaign because generally, the United States
maintain their assistance to security forces. A diplomatic campaign aiming
at unmasking JB Aristide in his attempt to restore a militia to power should
bring results and protect the support given to the honest and disciplined
police officers. It would be agreeable to incite the international community
to take its distance form a totalitarian regime that uses taxpayers' money
to finance a militia, a political police and armed gangs to intimidate the
opponents to the regime.

7.4 POLITICAL COMMUNICATION PLAN - TWO MUTUALLY EXCLUSIVE POLITICAL PROJECTS
One should continually show that actions such as the desecration of places
of worship, broken car windshields, violation of civilian property, State
terrorism, transforming the judicial system into a division of Chimères,
institutional misuse, and widespread corruption are just a normal way of
exercising power for Lavalas. In these conditions, Lavalas is incompatible
with the minimum rule of law necessary to express political pluralism.

In Aristide land, the scale of values is the reverse of ours. Milien Romage
became the deputy of Carrefour because he murdered Pastor Leroy and
Fleurival. He nominated Ronal Cadavre at the head of APN Security in
Port-au-Prince because he murdered Senator Toussaint and co-authored the
murder of Jean Dominique. The person who executed Jean Dominique on April 3
2000 is now the Lavalas assistant “mayor” in the capital’s area. As long as
Lavalas is in power, the murder of Jean Dominique will never be solved.

The electoral system now in place in Aristide land according to the new
calendar suggested on March 14 2002 will be operational in November 2002
under the supervision of the OAS. It will be an answer to the year 2000
scenario but with a different set of actors. Dongo Joseph will be the next
deputy of Maissade because he beat the Judge of the peace of Hinche.
Emmanuel Antoine will be the next deputy of Petit-Goave because he shot and
wounded five people following a peaceful anti-Lavalas demonstration. The
current “major” of Milot said all Convergence partisans are persona non
grata. He will be Senator of the Northern part of the country. Paul Raymond
will be Government Commissioner. René Civil will be Justice Minister. If one
believes that this is fiction, all he has to do is remember the profile of
Aristide actual Chief of Police.

Explanation and Public-Awareness Campaign
Run the campaign at two levels:

Level 1: The General Public
Orchestrate a big media campaign (radio, TV, press) with the cooperation of
Convergence bigwigs, and a choice of leading themes for the campaign such
as:
 Purging PNH / physical removal of police officers.
 Using the Chimères to humiliate PNH.
 Armed gangs are a threat to the lives of the police officers.
 Police officers career developments is undermined by Lavalas .
 Any political police threatens private life and society as a whole.

Level 2:  Campaign of Involvement
This refers to concerted and targeted actions on the different divisions of
the Police. A disciplined team, with the means necessary to create the
tracts and pamphlets, making copies and passing them out, all very quickly,
must carry out this sensitive point.

MRM – Comité Exécutif Provisoire
Rony Mondestin