14154: Karshan: What's Next for Haiti? Haiti Policy Analysts Weigh in - (Haiti Action Committee (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: MKarshan@aol.com

From:  HAITI ACTION COMMITTEE, Bay Area, California

WHAT'S NEXT FOR HAITI?
Continuing on the Path of Democracy

Haiti Policy Analysts Weigh in Putting the Pieces Together

December 16, 2002 - Twelve years ago today, on December 16, 1990, Father
Jean-Bertrand Aristide was elected President by an overwhelming majority and
inaugurated on February 7, 1991.  Seven months later he was ousted in a
violent coup d'etat carried out by the military and its sponsors.  After
three years of resistance by the Haitian people, in which 5,000 died,
thousands were tortured and raped, and tens of thousands took to the high
seas, the U.S. restored Aristide to Haiti through a military intervention,
under international pressure.

Although his supporters wanted his term extended because of the three years
that Aristide was forced to spend in exile, President Aristide finished his
five-year term on February 7, 1996 and for the first time in Haiti's history
a democratically elected President handed power over to the next
democratically elected President.  President Rene Preval served his entire
five-year term without interruption, setting another precedent, and on
February 7, 2001, after a landslide election, Aristide was once again
inaugurated to the Presidency.

Tom F. Driver, a theology professor at New York's Union Theological Seminary,
sums up the last couple of years in Haiti, "Since early in the year 2000,
when it became apparent that Jean-Bertrand Aristide and the Lavalas Family
Party would win elections by large majorities, those opposed to popular
government in Haiti have been determined to use every means necessary to
thwart it.  When they could not prevent Aristide's return to the Presidency,
they set about to make it impossible for him to govern effectively.  When
they could not achieve their ends at the polls, they tried to invalidate the
elections.  When compromise was offered, they rejected it out of hand.
Because persuasion will not avail them, they have threatened violence. Their
efforts are encouraged, if not engineered, by elements in the United States
Government, which has cut off all loans in aid to the Government of Haiti.
The administration in Haiti is by no means perfect, but that is not the
issue.  The issue is legitimacy, all of which lies on the side of the
Government and none on the side of the concerted opposition that has been
nothing but obstructionist since the year 2000."

In remarks made by Kerry Kennedy Cuomo at the Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights
Award ceremony a few weeks ago, she revealed that, "Six months ago, a high
ranking Bush administration official commented to a member of our board,
'Only when the economic sanctions lead to Florida being flooded with boat
people will this administration's policy change.' That statement has become a
self-fulfilling prophecy. A few weeks ago, over 200 Haitians in a rickety,
leaking boat washed up on Key Biscayne Boulevard."

Reacting to this tragedy, Professor Robert Maguire of Trinity College in
Washington, D.C., and Dr. Robert Bach, a former commissioner at the INS
charged with policy and planning from 1994-2000, issued a policy paper
entitled Next Steps for U.S. Policy Toward Haiti.  They called on the U.S. to
change it's strategy on Haiti to avert a humanitarian disaster warning that
the, "U.S. policies are simply providing the fuel that accelerates its
[Haiti's] failures and expands the consequences."

Unheeded, the conditions leading up to the recent turmoil in Haiti continued
to decline while Aristide's government remained under an economic embargo.

Since mid-November Haiti has been present in the international press because
of demonstrations, some peaceful and some violent.  The formation of a
provisional electoral council (CEP) was near completion after President
Aristide met several times to get all sectors to submit the names of their
representatives for a nine member electoral council so parliamentary and
local elections scheduled for early 2003 could finally be held. Eight names
were submitted, but the Convergence, a propped up coalition of opposition
groups, have continued to refuse to submit a name although the government did
respond to their concerns about creating a better climate of security by
petitioning the OAS to provide technical support and security for the
elections and intensifying disarmament efforts.

The Convergence, as described by journalist Michele Montas, the widow of the
slain journalist Jean Dominique, in yesterday's Miami Herald article, Is U.S.
Policy Subverting Haiti? "is a patchwork of people and groups who have very
little in common.  There are people in Convergence who are from the far right
and are former members of the Duvalier dictatorships, and you have people on
the far left, former Marxists and communists.''  Montas told the Miami Herald
that the Convergence is held together by their common hatred of Aristide.

"The Convergence's indefensible stonewalling regarding its participation in
the CEP is but another example of its long practice of sabotaging every
effort to seek a peaceful solution to Haiti's chronic political problems,"
said the Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA), a Washington based policy
group, in their recent press release.

Brian Concannon, Jr., a Boston human rights attorney working in Haiti,
further explained that the government of Haiti had, "worked hard to fulfill
all its obligations under the OAS resolution, including paying substantial
reparations to opposition parties, allowing OAS oversight over elections,
having seven senators resign outright, and the remaining parliamentarians
agree to shorten their terms for anticipated elections.  Aristide's
concessions have been massive.  The government has made almost desperate
efforts to put the resolution of the current crisis in the hands where it
belongs, the Haitian voters.  It has repeatedly appointed people from the
opposition to important ministries and other posts, risking alienating its
base in the name of non-partisanship."

In early November the Convergence organized demonstrations throughout the
country calling for the overthrow of President Aristide through violent
means. This time, the Convergence brought in former Colonel Himmler Rebu of
Haiti's now disbanded Army, known for his role in an attempted coup against
General Avril some years ago.  This solidified the Convergence's call for the
return of the Army made by Gerard Gourgue in his "inaugural" speech when the
Convergence installed him as their "provisional President" simultaneous to
Aristide's inauguration on February 7, 2001. Previously, the Convergence had
widely publicized former General Prosper Avril's support for their efforts,
when he participated in one of their meetings. Avril himself actualized
several coups over the years.

COHA pointed out the irony that a US sponsored "'Democratic' Convergencewhen
called upon to participate in a new democratic process under OAS
supervisionhas so far refused to do so, instead pressing for a return to
extra-constitutional solutions."

In a statement made on Radio Canada, which he later tried to deny, Assistant
Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Ambassador Luigi
Einaudi, explained the motive behind the Convergence's actions, saying,
"These groups are afraid of elections, because if free and fair elections
were to take place in the country, it is certain that the party in power
would win."  He further explained that every time an accord was about to be
reached to solve the post-electoral crisis, the anti-Aristide forces created
trouble.

Since their formation, the Convergence has been silent on how they would
actually help Haiti. Some suggest that the opposition parties should
criticize the Aristide administration and present their plans to gain support
in upcoming elections.

Gary Pierre Pierre, editor of Haitian Times and former staff writer for The
New York Times, wrote in his paper's editorial entitled, "Democracy Must
Serve Out Term," that Aristide "has to remain in power until his term
expires. That's the democratic way. Also part of the democratic process is
exercising the freedom of speech and right to assembly. With protests, the
government can learn of residents' concerns."

Pierre Labossiere, a Haitian activist with the Bay Area Action Committee
said, "It is outrageous that some are proposing a violent overthrow and
organizing a campaign of violence to force the resignation of President
Jean-Bertrand Aristide, who is democratically elected by the people in
accordance with the Haitian constitution."

On November 28th several prominent Haitian activists living in the U.S.
released their Diaspora Declaration denouncing the calls of the Convergence
and sending "a clear message to those who want to bring this country to a
civil war by looking for the departure of a democratically elected
president," demanding that "the international community must fulfill their
role without complicity."

The international press shocked all Haiti watchers with their biased
reporting in which they omitted reporting on violent acts carried out by
Convergence supporters, instead focusing only on violence alleged to have
come from Aristide supporters.  Further the press only acknowledged one
peaceful demonstration of Aristide supporters, while thousands around the
country were peacefully taking to the streets in support of the President.

COHA observed that these events were "being witnessed by a local and foreign
press, including wire services, that frequently churns out more spin than
objective reporting..."

Kevin Pina, a filmmaker and journalist covering Haiti for more than a decade,
provided details on events never reported on by international press, "There
was a massive outpouring of support in the streets of the capital for
President Aristide and Lavalas on November 25, 2002. The largest number cited
in AP and Reuters for a demonstration in front of Haiti's national palace on
November 25, 2002, was 2,000 persons. Photos taken by independent journalists
show that the crowd was in fact far greater then the numbers cited. The only
photos filed by corporate news organizations on November 25th were of much
smaller anti-Aristide demonstrations and NOT ONE PHOTO of the much larger
pro-Lavalas demonstration was EVER published by them."

Concannon also stated that although not covered by the international press,
"Every opposition demonstration has been more than matched in numbers by a
pro-government demonstration."  Concannon continued that, "The creation of an
impression of chaos and ungovernability is a time-tested method of eroding
the constituency for democracy and independence.  President Aristide's
support is not 'crumbling.'  Although Haitians are as frustrated as anyone
would be by their poverty, all signs that I see indicate that President
Aristide would be elected by huge margins were there to be a fair election
tomorrow."

Montas, states that Aristide should "finish his term" and says she believes
he will, explaining, "that "a majority of the people are still with him."
More importantly, she continued, ''I don't believe the solution is chaos, and
that is what we would have if Aristide is forced to resign.''

Ricot Dupuy, a journalist with the popular Radio Soleil show in New York
opined, "When various international press organizations reduced the several
thousand demonstrators at a massive pro-Aristide rally in Cap Haitien to
"several hundred," what they did in effect was multiply by a factor of ten
their own credibility deficit."

During this time period President Aristide visited Les Cayes in the South of
Haiti to inaugurate several government and private sector projects where a
supportive crowd of 100,000 greeted him.  Again, the international press did
not bother to accompany the local press corps to the South to cover the
President's historic trip.

The international press also failed to include the voices of members of the
business sector or civil society who support the government, although they
can be heard on television or radio and are quoted in all of the Haitian
newspapers.

President Aristide inaugurated several projects in the South during his visit
including the construction of a bridge which cost the Haitian government US$1
million, a renovated airport, a new civil court building, newly constructed
schools, the upgrading of the electricity system, and miles of paved roads
inside the principle cities along the Southern coast, and literacy centers.
These infrastructure projects were successful through collaborative efforts
of the business sector and the government.

Pierre Léger, for example, a noted business leader, received the President
during his visit to the South and summed up Haiti's current crisis saying,
"The problem in Haiti is not political, it is economic. The private sector
must develop some initiatives that will generate employment in order to help
the State authorities fight extreme poverty." Mr. Leger went on to explain
that misery and poverty are the main sources of violence and insecurity and
he urged Haiti's elite class to do something to get closer to the poor.

Statements from the last few weeks from CARICOM, the OAS and the U.S. State
Department support a democratic process through elections, starting with the
formation of an electoral council.

The Heads of Government meeting of CARICOM held in Cuba last week issued a
strong statement calling for the "immediate establishment of the Provisional
Electoral Council" recognizing that, "elections are the only means to
legitimate government in any democratic society," and warning that "only
strict adherence to the democratic process will constitute a proper solution
to the political problems in Haiti."  CARICOM went as far as to "urge the
political opposition to cooperate with the Government in the implementation
of this [OAS] resolution as all parties must work together towards restoring
normalcy in Haiti."

The U.S. State Department's Deputy Spokesperson, Philip T. Reeker, issued a
statement calling for the formation of an electoral council and stated, "For
their part, Convergence Democratique, other opposition parties, and civil
society must play a constructive and responsible role in moving forward under
Resolution 822, and in fostering an environment that promotes political
reconciliation for all Haitians."

The U.S. led sanctions against Haiti continue to undermine Aristide's
government's commitments for development, hitting education, access to water
and healthcare the hardest.  COHA pointed out that, "Many of the shortcomings
of his administration would be mitigated if the island government received at
least some of the $500 million pledged to it by the U.S. and other
international donors."

Bypassing the Haitian government to fund non-profit programs only, as the
U.S. and some other countries have been doing, is not sufficient, asserts
Harvard doctor Paul Farmer, who runs a health center in Haiti's Central
Plateau. This past year his clinic has been overrun by patients who are not
able to find services at public health stations, and his model treatment
program for poor persons with AIDS is challenged by the government's
inability to provide water, no less clean water, to his patients.  The road
leading to his hospital is in need of repair, a job that can only be
performed by government. In his revised The Uses of Haiti, released earlier
this month by Common Courage Press, Farmer writes, "Conditions here on the
ground are akin to the battlefield of an undeclared war on the poor."

The dramatic effects of the sanctions on Haiti's poor prompted Congresswoman
Barbara Lee to submit House Congressional Resolution 382 several months ago,
which has been signed onto by the entire Congressional Black Caucus as well
as many other representatives, calling for an end to the U.S. aid embargo on
Haiti.  Similar resolutions have been passed by the Caribbean Community
(CARICOM), the organization of African, Caribbean and Pacific states (ACP),
and dozens of human rights, religious, labor, and healthcare organizations in
the U.S.

COHA put the U.S. sanctions against Haiti in a nutshell when it explained
that, "The ostensible root cause of the longstanding economic sanctions
against Haiti is the accusation that Haiti's May, 2000 senate elections,
involving seven candidates in particular, were flawed. In a very real sense,
however, Washington invented the electoral affair to justify what it had
wanted to do ever since 1989 to isolate and then shackle Aristide.  The
motive behind the White House's current policy of economic sanctions against
Haiti should not be seen as merely outrage over what it saw as fraudulent
elections in 2000; only seven seats in the Senate were in dispute, and those
senators have long since resigned at Aristide's behestthe reduction of aid
had actually begun several years before Aristide assumed office. The real aim
of this U.S. policy of interdiction has always been 'since he was first
elected in 1990' to discredit Aristide and his political associates."

Referring to OAS Resolution 822 which was unanimously passed by all 34 member
countries, Ambassador Einaudi explained, "Beginning with this resolution, it
was made clear to the IDB and the World Bank that they could release funds
for Haiti," and on another date after critiquing all of Haiti's political
actors, he also added that, "At the same time, we in the international
community must move effectively to provide economic assistance."

The Heads of Governments CARICOM statement also reiterated, "their call to
the international financial institutions to relaunch effectively their
financial cooperation with Haiti as called for in the OAS Resolution 822."

Loune Viaud, a Haitian woman who is this year's Robert F. Kennedy Human
Rights Laureate for her work providing health care in rural Haiti, pointed
out during her acceptance speech this past November that,  "many countries
who do not even try to emerge as a democracy, as we struggle to do, are not
punished by such embargos."  Last week Viaud put the embargo in perspective,
explaining that, "The embargo on the loans allocated for health, education,
roads and clean water from the IDB has persisted, despite the fact that seven
legislators whose seats were contested have stepped down and the Government
of Haiti has agreed to push forward legislative elections for the spring of
2003. These policies demonstrate that the US government's underlying motive
of the embargo is not to improve the human rights situation in Haiti, but
rather to achieve their implied objective of changing the current
democratically elected government."

Todd Howland, Director of the Center for Human Rights at the Robert F.
Kennedy Memorial Center recently stated that, "Money for Haiti has been in
the pipeline since January 2001. None of this money has been disbursed, yet
the IDB indicates in its public information that they are doing wonderful
work in this country. In fact people are dying in Haiti"

Finally, St. Lucia's Foreign Affairs Minister, Julien Hunt, said, "It is the
international donor community that should explain why they have still not
followed through on this recommendation."  And the Prime Minister of St.
Kitts and Nevis, Denzel Douglas, demanded that, "the international monetary
community release the financial aid to the Haitian government and put an end
to the suffering of the people while at the same time reinforcing democracy
in the country."

Bach and Maguire advise in their policy paper that, "Aid should be released,
but carefully structured and closely monitored.  Assistance should resume -
and be sustained - to Haitian public institutions, including the National
Police, so they can better address Haiti's humanitarian, economic and
security needs."

Bach and Maguire continue that, "The Administration's policy toward Haiti
rests somewhere between a straightforward effort to replace President
Aristide at all costs as opposed to his replacement with fewer costs. It's
position stands in contrast to the views of former Administrations, the
Congressional Black Caucus, and others who argue for a strategy of
engagement.  The Administration's policy squeezes the Haitian people, fuels
potential confrontation within the country, and restrains prospects for
economic growth and stability."

Bach and Maguire laid out steps for change stating that, "The Administration
and Congress must find some common ground to begin to engage in Haiti
constructively.  The current stalemate in U.S. policy between an aggressive
anti-Aristide policy and a reform policy resembles guerilla warfare, with
private groups, mid-level agencies and self-proclaimed leaders dominating the
public debate.  President Aristide is recognized by the OAS and its members
as Haiti's legitimate leader, and realistic alternatives simply are not
present."

In the absence of a policy change, Bach and Maguire suggest that, "The
international community needs to take leadership on Haiti's policy back from
a stalemated U.S. position. The case for international involvement rests upon
recognition that a failing Haitian state is already creating a humanitarian
crisis, that its weakness is allowing drug cartels and other syndicates a
strong foothold close to the United States, and that the policies of the
United States themselves are causing greater problems."

COHA warns that if  "the Convergence is allowed to play the spoilsport, Haiti
will continue to be unable to improve its prospects of overcoming its
crippling financial and political crisis," pointing out that although the
Convergence "while lacking any kind of constitutional basis, has nonetheless
managed to exercise a virtual veto power over the Haitian political process."

Kennedy Cuomo concluded in her speech that, "The best way to achieve our goal
of assuring a strong civil society and a transparent electoral process is to
work hand in hand with the government of Haiti. Indeed, we should engage as
fully as possible with the government and be a handmaiden to democratic
reform. The government of Haiti has done almost everything in its power to
comply with conditions for the resumption of aid. It faces a hostile internal
opposition which is supported by the [U.S.] administration's policies and is
determined to extend the crisis. And, we have continuously raised the bar for
ending the strangulation."

-end-