14435: Anonymous Post re: Aristide's popularlity (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: thor burnham <thorald_mb@hotmail.com>

Bob: Please Post Anonymously

http://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/opinion/search/sfl-29forum13jan13.story
Diverse interests must work together
By Ira Lowenthal
and Clotilde Charlot

January 13, 2003

The recent joint declaration of 184 Haitian civil society organizations
signals that a new day may yet dawn amid Haiti's division and despair, 17
years after the end of the Duvalier dictatorship. Now Haitians once again
appear ready to unite in the higher interests of the nation, placing their
faith not in one leader but in the democratic process itself.

The declaration is nothing short of revolutionary when seen against the
backdrop of Haiti's strife-torn history and current crisis. It commits its
diverse signatories to work together toward the elaboration of a new,
consensus-based "social contract" for Haiti; one which aims to improve the
lot of all Haitians, but prioritizes the needs of the nation's poor
majority.

Such calls for a social contract for Haiti are nothing new, but the notion
that such a project is best pursued on the basis of unity and consensus, as
opposed to one of discord and competition, is a relatively fresh and
important one.

The bulk of the declaration's attention is addressed to national elections.
By setting preconditions for "any credible and democratic electoral process
in Haiti," the signatories seek to put the nation, the regime and, indeed,
the world on notice that it is absurd to consider going to elections under
prevailing circumstances.

For the next elections to have even a chance of being free and fair, they
argue, some basic changes have to take place quickly in order to level the
playing field for both potential candidates and voters. They are, for the
most part, self-evident and virtually mirror the government's existing
commitments to the Organization of American States:

>Freedom of assembly must be guaranteed.

>Criminal gangs must be dismantled and disarmed; police officers and other
>public authorities associated with such gangs must be removed and brought
>to justice.

The leaders of these gangs, particularly those associated with the violence
of Dec. 17, 2001, and the assassinations of journalists Jean Dominique and
Brignol Lindor, must be brought to justice.

Political prisoners being held illegally must be released.

>Hate speech inciting violence, from the regime and its supporters, or from
>any other quarter, must cease.

The government must take concrete steps to ensure the safety and tranquility
of journalists, students, teachers and others currently being harassed by
armed gangs openly associated with the ruling party.

>Security assistance from the international community must be forthcoming.

What's going on in Haiti today -- and what's at stake -- is too important to
be left to the political class alone. Haitian civil society is preparing
itself to rise to the challenge to consolidate the kind of change that has
until now proved to be an elusive hope for Haiti; irreversible democratic
reform.

In 1990, the Haitian people legitimately and overwhelmingly elected a single
man who, not incidentally, then stood as a colossus at the head of a vast
democratic movement. By and large, however, those of comparable stature who
once stood with him, and behind him, are long gone.

They were either forced out, as the catholic embrace of the movement gave
way to the parochial exclusivity of a ruling party; or they walked away,
driven by a mix of disappointment and conscience. What's left is a legacy of
frustration, fear and factionalism that provides the fuse for a looming
social implosion.

The signatories for the 184 organizations, with some significant exceptions,
read mostly like a Who's Who of the Lavalas movement circa 1990. But it also
includes the private sector and virtually all of the organizations, such as
the Center for Free Enterprise and Democracy, that have sprung up in the
last 10 years.

The coalition has set a stringent deadline, demanding substantive
demonstration of intent on the part of the government by Jan. 15.

The new "Group of 184" will be challenged on three fronts:

1. Expanding the circle of adherents to include some of the prominent and
respected human rights and women's organizations that are missing.

2. Crafting a new consensus on what position to take on Jan. 15.

3. Making concrete proposals for development of the new social contract they
have endorsed.



The United States should position itself to provide significant support --
technical, financial and diplomatic -- to this coalition's efforts to turn
the tide in Haiti. Such support could focus on assisting the outreach and
civic-education efforts within and outside of Haiti that will be required to
broaden the scope and representation of this group's composition even
further; and on facilitating the convening of a National Conference of the
Civil Society on the Electoral Process in the very near future.

If the mantle of democratic leadership in Haiti's immediate future is to
pass to civil society, as it clearly must, then those at the forefront of
this movement will have to be up to the task.

Ira Lowenthal and Clotilde Charlot are members of the Haiti Democracy
Project, an advocacy group based in Washington, D.C., that seeks a more
proactive and effective U.S. policy toward Haiti.