18262: Esser: Haiti's Long March Toward Freedom (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: D. E s s e r <torx@mail.joimail.com>

Poor Magazine
http://www.poormagazine.com

Haiti's Long March Toward Freedom

Reassessing the Haitian Revolution and its meaning today.

J. Damu
Tuesday, January 6, 2004;

January 1, 2004 marks exactly 200 years since the culmination of one
of history's most titanic, earth-shaking events. Hundreds of
thousands of casualties were sustained, national economies were
either wrecked or displaced, the history of the western hemisphere
was forever altered and the wars of national liberation of Africa,
Asia and Latin America that characterized much of the 20th century
were pre-figured. What single event caused so much altering of
history and empowerment of Blacks and other colonized peoples?-The
Haitian Revolution.

When current Haitian president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, rises to
speak to what will surely be tens of thousands of Haitians to welcome
the new year and commemorate one of history's greatest achievements,
he will speak to the worthy successors of those enslaved Blacks and
downtrodden masses who rose up so long ago, and he will speak to
those in Haiti who continue today to fight for dignity, peace,
improved living conditions for all, reparations and even life itself.

Not surprisingly most academicians sweep the Haitian Revolution under
the world's carpet of history. They do this simply by dismissing the
revolution, when they refer to it at all, as an event that created
the second oldest republic in the western hemisphere. It accomplished
this of course, but it did much, much more.

Soberly considered the Haitian Revolution, more than the American and
French Revolutions, which were conducted, after all, by slave
holders, was the first instance in the history of the planet, where
formerly enslaved men and women, workers from throughout society,
unified to overthrow their oppressors and to establish their own
republic.

Though European and American slave owners never thought such a thing
could happen, the truth of the matter is Haiti, prior to the
revolution, was considered the sugar bowl of the world, producing
fully one third of the world's sugar, and it was by far the
wealthiest of all the European colonies in the Western hemisphere.
Despite the affluence it created however, Haiti was perhaps the most
harshly administered of all the slave societies, with the possible
exception of Barbados. This was an important pre-condition for the
revolution.

The Haitian Revolution which began in August of 1791 with a slave
revolt led by Boukman, a voudun spiritual leader, and culminated 13
years later under the successive leadership of Toussaint L'Ouverture
and Jean Jacques Dessalines was successful due to a prodigious set of
circumstances.

Factors often cited to explain the success of the enslaved Haitians
in their overthrow of the French slavocracy include the ideological
impact of the American and French revolutions on the Haitians, as
well as the inter-imperialist rivalries between the U.S., England,
Spain and France. These economic and territorial rivalries prevented
any of them sending France more than token support to fight the Black
armies.

Only the U.S. seemed to profit nicely from the Haitian revolution.
Desperate to raise money to fight the Haitians and simultaneously
conduct military expeditions in Europe, France offered to the U.S.
the Louisiana Territory, a purchase that would increase the size of
the U.S. by nearly one third. At the fire sale price of $15 million,
the U.S. quickly accepted the offer, after deducting $3.5 million in
U.S. citizen's claims against France.

While these conditions cannot be discounted as contributing to the
success of the revolution, the military experience of the Blacks
themselves cannot be overestimated. For instance numerous Haitians
had participated in the American Revolution and gained valuable
fighting experience there. Henri Christophe, who later served as
president of Haiti was typical. As a youth he left his native Graneda
and traveled to South Carolina, where he and others from the
Caribbean participated in the battle of Savannah. By 1790 he was in
Haiti and participated in the revolution from its beginning.

Even more important to the Haitian revolutionary cause, however, were
the Congolese and Angolan soldiers. Captured in African warfare,
defending their homelands, these highly trained soldiers had been
enslaved and sent to Haiti. These soldiers, many of whom still
considered themselves subjects of particular African kings and
queens, organized and fought spectacularly for a free Haiti.

Furthermore, once the Haitian republic was born, its leaders did all
they could to continue to promote the twin goals of abolition of
slavery and national liberation throughout the hemisphere..

Well aware of Simon Bolivar's long running attempts to free the
Spanish colonies from colonial rule, Haiti's leaders supported him
when they could. On two different occasions, after Bolivar had been
driven from the South American mainland, Haitian president Alexandre
Petion re-supplied and re-armed Bolivar's forces. When Bolivar, who
is referred to by some, as the George Washington of South America,
asked what he could do to re-pay Haiti, President Petion responded,
"You can repay us by freeing all the slaves in the Spanish colonies."

Petion then gave Bolivar something more important than arms and
ammunition. He gave Bolivar a printing press on which was printed the
declaration freeing the all the enslaved Africans and Indians held by
Spain. Bolivar's declaration did not prove to be lasting until 1846,
however.

Today President Aristide has become a modern version of Boukman
andToussaint, a spiritual fighter thrust into political leadership on
the crest of a flood-tide of the people. Despite international
intervention, wide ranging machinations by foreign intelligence
services, collaboration on the part of the five oligarchic Haitian
families with remnants of the corrupt Haitian military and massive
economic penetration and fundamentalist economic policies imposed by
world lending institutions, all in an attempt to return Haiti to the
old order dictatorship headed by the Duvalier family; Aristide, his
Lavalas organization and the masses of Haitian people have
successfully resisted and thwarted political reaction and have
implemented policies of social democracy.

Despite many successes however, Aristide and his supporters face
dangerous times in Haiti. Violence is being threatened by Duvalierist
supporters against many who would celebrate the revolution. Pretexts
will be created, many say, to force the removal of Aristide before
his elected term is up. Much danger yet exists in Haiti.

African-Americans, Blacks in the Diaspora, Africans, around the world
should all express support for Haiti during this most difficult
period. All should especially embrace Haiti, particularly on the
occasion of its bicentennial celebration, as it looks backward in
order to go forward.

J. Damu is the Acting Western Regional Representative for N'COBRA
(National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America.) He can be
reached at jdamu@sbcglobal.net.

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