=?x-unknown?q?19119=3A__radtimes=3A__Haiti_=AD_There_can_?==?x-unknown?q?be_no_solution_under_capitalism_=28fwd=29?=

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: radtimes <resist@best.com>

Haiti ­ There can be no solution under capitalism

http://www.marxist.com/Latinam/Haiti_in_crisis.html

By Rob Lyon
February 23, 2004

Former death squad and military leaders from the darkest periods of
Haiti's past have been leading an armed struggle against the
government of Jean-Bertrand Aristide for the past two weeks. The
paramilitary groups, formerly called the Cannibals, have taken over a
dozen cities in northern Haiti and control several key supply routes.
Although the paramilitaries are few in number, they are well armed
and are controlling the north through the use of terror.
The 'mainstream' bourgeois opposition had previously been encouraging
these groups, as they saw them as means to overthrow Aristide and
take power. In response to the crisis, Aristide's government has
asked for international assistance to prevent a coup.

Aristide agreed this past Saturday to a peace plan brokered by
diplomats from the US, Canada, France and CARICOM. It is not clear
whether the 'mainstream' bourgeois opposition in the capital, Port-au-
Prince, will agree to the deal by the late Monday afternoon deadline.
It in fact appears quite unlikely, as the only thing they are
demanding is the resignation of Aristide.

The Opposition

Former military leaders from the disbanded Haitian army and former
death squad leaders continued their armed campaign against the
Aristide government on Sunday by taking Cap-Haïtien, the country's
second largest city. These armed groups, formerly called "the
Cannibals" and now renamed the Gonaïves Resistance Front (GRF), had
taken the city of Gonaïves on Thursday and declared an independent
country of 'l'Arbonite'. The new so-called government is headed by
Buter Métayer, who was a former Aristide supporter. Guy Philippe,
former police chief of Cap-Haïtien and Duvalier death squad leader in
the 1980s, was named l'Arbonite's chief of armed forces. Philippe
fled Haiti in 2002 to the Dominican Republic after it was discovered
that he was plotting a coup. Philippe returned to Haiti with former
death squad leader Louis Jodel Chamblain, and had up to 50 armed
supporters with him. Jean Pierre Baptiste, who calls himself General
Tatoune, lead the march into the city. He was one of the leaders of
the uprising that overthrew Jean-Claude (Baby Doc) Duvalier in 1986.
Under the military regime of the early 1990's, he joined the
paramilitary outfit FRAPH (Front for the Advancement and Progress of
Haiti) and was serving life in prison in Gonaïves for his role in a
1994 massacre. A close associate of Chamblain, Emmanueal 'Toto'
Constant, who lead the coup against Aristide in 1991, has admitted
CIA financing for the movement. It has also been claimed that these
paramilitaries received "some form" of training while in the
Dominican Republic. These paramilitary thugs now control most of
Haiti's north, and the rebels are today threatening an attempt to
take Port-au-Prince.

The mainstream opposition, including groups such as the Group of 184
and the Convergence Democratique have distanced themselves from the
(GRF) as of late, but were previously encouraging them as they felt
they could come to power on the back of a coup against Aristide.
There are also rumours that the GRF is in fact the armed wing of the
US funded and backed Convergence Democratique. Tensions are high
between the Creole-speaking black majority, most of whom live in
absolute poverty and the minority French-speaking mullattos, one
percent of whom own approximately 45% of the country's wealth. One
Haitian claimed "the dominant class speaks French, but all Haitians
speak Kreyol. When the dominant class doesn't want the people to know
what it's doing, it speaks French." US congresswoman Maxine Waters,
upon returning from a visit to Haiti exposed opposition leader Andre
Apaid Jr. as a 'Duvalier supporter', and that he along with his Group
of 184, is "attempting to instigate a bloodbath in Haiti and the
blame the government for the resulting disaster in the belief that
the US will aid the so-called protestors against President Aristide".

Clearly reflecting the bourgeois, pro-imperialist and reactionary
nature of these "democratic" opposition leaders, Apaid himself never
renounced his US citizenship, and he is a major factory owner.

Aristide's government is in serious danger of being overthrown by a
bloody coup. His government only has a police force of about 4,000,
and there are reports that the police are demoralized and out-gunned.
A successful coup would obviously be a nightmare for the Haitian
people, as the old paramilitaries, who instated a murderous regime in
the early 1990s would exact a terrible revenge upon Aristide, his
supporters, and the Haitian workers and urban poor. In response to
the threats of a coup and assassination attempts, Aristide claimed
last week that he would stay and fight, saying he would die for his
country. In desperation, Haitian Prime Minister Yvon Neptune issued a
plea for international troops to be sent to Haiti to quell
the 'uprising' and aid the fledgling national police.

US Imperialism

Members of the Haitian opposition have claimed that if the US, under
Clinton, was responsible for re-instating Aristide, then it is the
Bush administration's responsibility to correct the mistake and
overthrow him. Many in the US State Department see Aristide as
a 'beardless Castro', and he is well hated by Jesse Helms, and his
clique of extreme right wing allies Roger Noriega and Otto Reich in
the State Department (all involved in previous US interventions in
countries like Nicaragua in the 1980s and more recently in Venezuela).

After Aristide was overthrown, his re-instatement as President on the
back of a US invasion of the island in 1994 was only made possible
when he embraced the Haitian ruling class and the dictates of
Washington and the IMF. In order to maintain US support and receive
aid, Aristide needed to maintain the standard 'structural adjustment'
package, with foreign funds going to debt repayment and the needs of
the bourgeois, as well as maintaining and open foreign investment
policy.

This was a recipe for disaster for Haiti. Of course many state owned
and subsidized industries were privatized and lead to a further
concentration of wealth ­ 1 percent of the population controls about
45 percent of the wealth. By the end of the 1990s Haiti's local rice
production had been reduced by half and rice imports from the US
accounted for over half of local rice sales. The local farming
population was devastated, and the price of rice rose drastically.

On the other hand, in order to appease the masses the Haitian
government has invested heavily in agriculture, public transport and
infrastructure. The minimum wage was doubled recently from 36 to 70
gourdes per day. Health care and education have also become major
priorities. More schools were built in Haiti between 1994 and 2000
than between 1804 and 1994. The government subsidizes meals and
public transport for school children and has maintained the
controversial fuel subsidy. Perhaps this is why we see such a
determined opposition from the bourgeois and imperialist forces in
Haiti?

These social policies, which were really minor concessions, were
intolerable for US imperialism. This shows the current situation of
crisis of capitalism where they cannot accept reforms of any kind,
even minor ones. When Aristide won the election in February 2000, the
US froze hundreds of millions of dollars in aid claiming that the
elections had been flawed. Out of 7,500 positions filled nation wide,
election observers recommended that seven senate seats go to a run
off. Haiti's electoral commission disagreed. This was the only
international concern surrounding the election. In the end, in order
to avoid 'the wrath of the mighty', these senators resigned

Although it seems clear that the US has been involved in some way in
the armed conflict, the Bush administration has been reluctant to get
openly involved because as US National Security Advisor Condoleezza
Rice said a few years ago the US administration will only intervene
militarily when there is a clear and compelling interest for the US
ruling class. The Bush administration also doesn't need any more
foreign policy risks in an election year. There is also the issue of
cost. The US defence budget has ballooned over the past few years
with the 'War on Terror' and the invasion of Iraq.

The US has had to draw a distinction between the 'mainstream'
bourgeois political opposition and the armed gangs that have taken
over the north. In order to avoid a foreign policy disaster around
the policy of 'regime change', much like the one brewing around Iraq,
Colin Powell claimed that the US political plan for Haiti does not
include Aristide's stepping down, although he added that the US would
not object if, as part of the negotiations with the opposition
Aristide would agree to leave before the end of his term in 2006. And
now along with the diplomatic initiative from the US this weekend,
the administration is planning on sending a military inspection team
to investigate the safety of the embassy. This is only an excuse to
send a military team in to Haiti to check out conditions for a
military intervention.

One of the major concerns of the US government is the threat of a
mass exodus of Haitians similar to that in 1991. People have begun to
flee to the neighbouring Dominican Republic and to Jamaica. The US
has opened more space at Guantanamo Bay to deal with refugees, but
doesn't want a mass exodus to the US. There is a great deal of
pressure now coming from the state of Florida, where governor Bush is
concerned about a mass of refugees coming over. This has also
prompted the US government to act.

The US is ultimately concerned that Aristide cannot maintain control
of the situation. Revolutionary events and processes have opened all
across the Caribbean and Latin America and the US is attempting to
shut the floodgates. They would like to see Aristide gone and put
someone more reliable in place. They would prefer the bourgeois
opposition to come to power, but this doesn't seem very likely. Now
that the paramilitaries appear to winning the US is thinking twice.
Its seems obvious that the US doesn't want to see the armed gangs
attain power in Haiti, as this would undoubtedly lead to a civil war
and would not be well received at home, and could cause problems in
an election year. What the US would prefer is to broker a deal with
the opposition and Aristide. The best deal for US interests would be
if Aristide compromises and/or steps down. The problem with this
though is that the bourgeois opposition is digging in its heels,
believing that they can come to power on the backs of a coup by the
paramilitaries. The bourgeois opposition will find though, that if
these criminal gangsters are allowed to return to power, that they
will be crushed just the same as everyone else; the paramilitaries
are out of control and will not take orders from anyone.

France

It was not until the French expressed an interest in sending troops
to Haiti that the US government responded. In an absolute diplomatic
manoeuvre, French foreign minister Mr. De Villepin said last week
that they were considering sending troops to Haiti, although he
hadn't mentioned this in his visit with Colin Powell just a few days
before. This has taken the US by surprise and embarrassed the
administration, adding to the already high tensions between the two
nations as a result of the invasion of Iraq. Naturally, the US does
not want the French to begin military operations in its backyard.
This is yet a further reflection of the deep crisis of the world
economy and the contradictions between the imperialist powers. The
world economy is edging ever closer to a crisis and there is a
monstrous struggle for markets, and French military operations in
Haiti would be a good way for the French to encroach upon US
interests in the Caribbean and Latin America, perhaps as a
retaliation for the loss of French interests in Iraq.

The French claim they have 2,000 citizens living in Haiti and that
the must send a 'rescue mission' to protect them from the violence.
This is a familiar story. The French have used this pretext in Congo,
Ivory Coast, Chad and elsewhere whenever they need to install
friendlier dictators and protect French interests.

France, Haiti's former colonizer, has about 3,000 troops in the
Antilles as well as transport aircraft, helicopters and warships that
they could send in.

In order to head off a collision between the two countries the US
agreed to a diplomatic intervention including France, Canada, and
CARICOM. Many are commenting that this is a way of healing the rifts
caused by the invasion in Iraq and re-affirming the US's commitment
to the UN. It is however a cynical self-interested move to prevent
unilateral French action. Canada has been invited because of
its 'long record' of 'assistance' to Haiti, and because there is an
attitude in the US government that Canada appears more neutral, and
less imperialistic than the US. It is also an attempt
at "outsourcing" the costs and risks of military intervention abroad
to complying allies. This could prevent an anti-US backlash in Haiti,
and make negotiations with Aristide easier, who's relations with the
US have obviously been strained as of late. This gives the US the
suitable diplomatic cover to move in, undercut its competitors and
protect its own interests in Haiti.

The Dominican Republic and the threat of war

Tensions have also been running high on the border between the
Dominican Republic and Haiti. The Haitian government has been
demanding that the Dominican government explain how their troops
allowed armed Haitian gangs and criminals to cross in Haiti. It is
obvious that they could not have crossed without the complicity of
the Dominican army. The Dominican army said it had no information
about how the exiles crossed over the 362 km border that is barely
patrolled. In the meantime, the Dominican army is still trying to
find out who ambushed and killed two Dominican soldiers at a remote
area of the border. The killing of the border guards is an obvious
provocation, and could prove to be a pretext for war.

The Dominican government has also stepped up its complaints about
illegal Haitian immigrants. It is estimated that more than 1 million
Haitians, mainly workers, are living in the Dominican Republic.

Another serious point of contention is the fact that the exiled
paramilitary leaders who just returned to Haiti from the Dominican
Republic were armed with new M16s. Is it just a coincidence that, as
is well known, the Dominican Republic had recently received a
shipment of 20,000 US made M16s?

There is a danger that the US, if it fails to diplomatically secure
its interests may rely on its Dominican colonial ally to
enforce 'regime change' in Haiti. This would provide a smokescreen
for the US's role and involvement in the affair, because once again
it is an election year, and could also be seen by the Dominican
Republic as a useful tool to quell its own growing social unrest. As
we reported at the end of January, there was a two day general strike
in the Dominican Republic against privatization, low wages, rising
fuel costs, and unemployment, which now stands at 17 percent. This
came after another general strike on November 11 last year. Given the
pretext of instability in Haiti and a flood of refugees, it could be
the excuse the Dominican government needs to invade Haiti and use the
army to crush the working class opposition and quell the developing
revolutionary situation in its own country.

The so-called Peace Plan

Aristide agreed on Saturday to the peace plan proposed by the US,
Canada, France and CARICOM nations. The rebels are to be disarmed and
a new government will be formed with a new prime minister. The peace
plan requires that the government and the opposition agree to a
tripartite commission, including an international representative by
Tuesday to move ahead with forming a new government and electing
parliament, which has not functioned since January. The Canadian
government has also offered to send police to reinforce the small out-
gunned Haitian police force. The real meaning of this peace plan is
to keep Aristide at the top as a way of containing his supporters
amongst the masses, but at the same time give real power to the
representatives of the bourgeois opposition, and win time to disarm
the armed thugs who are out of control. But if this "deal" went ahead
it would mean political suicide for Aristide, who would have
compromised with the hated imperialists and local elite for the
second time.

Meanwhile the armed gangs have continued their offensive. Cap-Haïtien
fell on Sunday and there is talk that an attack on Port-au-Prince is
imminent. It as yet unclear, but the police force, the bulk of which
is located in Port-au-Prince may be demoralized. Before Cap-Haïtien
fell, police made it very clear that they were too afraid to patrol
the streets. They barricaded themselves in their station but could
not hold off the assault. The police have been the targets of attacks
by paramilitaries for quite some time, and seem unable and possibly
unwilling to defend themselves. The one thing that Aristide has going
for him is his popularity with the urban poor and the working class.
Pierre Frandley, a carpenter, told the Associated Press 02/20/2004
that "we have machetes and guns, and we will resist. The police might
have been scared, but the people got together and organized…We
blocked the streets."

It was also noted in the Observer that "in the sprawling slums of
Port-au-Prince, Aristide continues to be widely seen as a hero
fighting against a powerful and tiny elite and its international
backers". The bourgeois media has reporting major demonstrations of
the opposition against Aristide for some time, but continually
neglect to mention that these protests are met with mass counter-
demonstrations of workers who support Aristide. As the rumours of the
armed thugs and gangs approaching Port-au-Prince grow, workers from
the slums and working-class neighbourhoods, the 'bastion' of
Aristide's support in Port-au-Prince are arming themselves and
throwing up barricades in order to support the government. It seems
that the masses of the workers and the urban poor who had probably
been disillusioned by Aristide, are now rallying to defend him faced
with the threat of return of the cutthroat gangs of criminals who
ruled the country under the Duvaliers. In this they are showing a
very clear class instinct. As Marx commented, sometimes the
revolution needs the whip of counter-revolution.

In the event that there is an attack on Port-au-Prince, Aristide's
only defence would be to arm the working class and call on their
support to defeat the coup. The problem with this, as far as Aristide
is concerned, is that if he were to arm the workers it would mean
revolution ­ power would pass onto the hands of the working people
and it will put the socialist transformation of Haitian society on
the order of the day.

The crisis in the world economy has led to revolutionary developments
across the Caribbean and Latin America. Revolutionary situations are
developing in the Dominican Republic, Venezuela, Argentina and
Brazil. The US is trying to stem the tide of the revolutionary
awakening of the masses. The US has been forced to respond in order
to stop the spread of the revolution. In some cases, like in
Venezuela and in Georgia US has not intervened militarily to
overthrow "uncooperative" regimes but has done so in an indirect way
by whipping up a "popular" uprising, in reality a counter-revolution.
In fact the situation in Haiti reminds us very much of that which led
to the April 2002 coup against Chavez in Venezuela, where a coalition
between the ruling elite and US imperialism, used the masses of the
middle class as cannon fodder, and tried to overthrow the government.
In the case of Venezuela, the masses responded immediately and
defeated the coup. Whether this will be the case in Haiti, where
Aristide's image has already been tarnished in the eyes of the masses
by his collaboration with the US after he was reinstated in 1994,
remains to be seen.

Now, the US doesn't necessarily want to remove Aristide, but rather,
use him to prevent the development of a revolutionary situation. They
are not sure that Aristide can control the situation. They might sit
back and watch the developments and the battles, and when the time is
right they may rely on the Dominican army, under the pretext
of 'stopping bloodshed' and an 'international humanitarian mission'
in order to crush the movement of the masses. Given the fact that it
is an election year, and given the loss of American life in Iraq, the
US will be reluctant to send in their own troops and risks the lives
of more US soldiers.

This crisis in the world economy and politics into which the world
has entered is such that there can be no solution to the problems in
Haiti, or elsewhere such as in Venezuela or Argentina on a capitalist
or reformist basis. The contradictions are too great and too many,
and the divisions in society are too deep. That is precisely why
Aristide and his government are in such a mess. The only solution
would have been to expropriate the imperialist interests and the
bourgeois in Haiti. It seems unlikely however, that a reformist
politician like Aristide would carry out such a programme.

Contrary to the opinion of the US administration, Aristide is no
communist or socialist, in fact he can hardly pass as a reformist and
the working class will find him to be a barrier to genuine socialism
and liberation from imperialism and poverty. The workers and urban
poor, along with the poor peasants must organize themselves into
defence committees, democratically organized and linked across the
country, in order to defend themselves against the return of the
hated macoutistes and take the future into their own hands. The
arming of the workers and the people and the defeat of the coup would
effectively put power in the hands of the workers. They must use this
to push the socialist transformation of society. This however, will
not be enough on its own. Haiti is a small, poor, and isolated
country that could never survive on its own. A socialist revolution
in Haiti could be the catalyst that sparks off a socialist revolution
in the Dominican Republic, which is the only way out of the current
crisis for the workers of both countries. The Haitian workers must
appeal to and link up in struggle with the working class of the
Dominican Republic, and appeal to all of the workers of the Caribbean
and Latin America to join them in solidarity and struggle for
socialism.

.