19545: Hyppolite Pierre: Now that Aristide is gone (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: Hyppolite Pierre <hpierre@irsp.org>

Events have unfolded and now, Aristide is gone. It's a new reality on the
political landscape, as all parties are struggling to get a bigger piece of
the political pie. That's Haiti.

In any event, there are things that are so important for the future of that
country, that I feel compelled to write this. Please keep in mind that I am
basically putting out before time, one of the ideas that I have pushed forth
in my first book entitled "Haiti, rising flames from burning ashes" due out
later this year, most likely before September. This issue here, is the army
issue.

One important characteristic of Haitian politics, if we follow it closely,
is that we are collectively good warriors, but lousy peacekeepers. In other
words, we know how to make and win wars, but do not know how to sustain the
peace. In that respect, the army has been a historical headache for Haitians
of all stripes, class, and ideology. Yet, the former leaders of the
opposition will probably push for the reconstitution of the still disbanded
army.

There are worthy arguments on both sides, for and against the army. Still,
we cannot forget the danger that it represents long term, if history is our
guide. But perhaps at best, the most potent argument of the proponents of
the army is the matter of protecting the country against some foreign army.
How then, can we reconcile these two issues?

First, we could begin by establishing a hierarchical structure which can be
part of an overall National Security apparatus. There would be elements from
the political parties in Parliament, with the Executive Branch having just
one additional element from that Council.

We could then continue on with making sure that there are not more than 60
percent, but not less than 40 percent of our police force composed of people
with military training. This would help in case of the necessity for rapid
deployment at times of national emergency. We could go on with, as the 1987
Constitution requires, having training for Haitians of ages 18 and up for a
determined time. But perhaps most importantly, we could follow the National
Guard model in the United States.

A certain number of Haitians would go in some part of the country once a
month for military training. They would get some financial or other
incentives to join this National Guard. But under no circumstances would
there be a need for a standing army. In other words, there would not be a
need for a General Headquarter with people wearing military uniforms at all
time. Yet, the training and know-how to defend the country would be a
continuous, ongoing process.

The advantages of such a plan are enormous. First, 60 percent of the
National Budget would no longer be devoted, like in the past, to a military
force that had caused more harm to the country than good. There could be a
20 percent cap or strain, on the country's budget devoted to the military,
as opposed to the old 60 percent.

Secondly, the leadership of such non-standing army would be able to purchase
more modern military hardware rather than devote its financial resources
only to pay soldiers who most of the time have had nothing positive to do
for the overall population.

Third, as the military leadership would work have to work more closely with
the executive branch and the other parties in Parliament, the overall
confidence of the general population and the various political factions
would probably be greater. The military would therefore no longer be
controlled by just one party, a faction, or the executive branch as the
opposition parties in Parliament would also have a strong voice in the
overall leadership of this non-standing army.

Finally, because the training itself would be so widespread, as to encompass
people in the civilian population, just as required by Article 268 of the
1987 Constitution, the threat of a coup would be diminished. After all, the
overall civilian population would receive basic training as well for the
defense of the country.

Short of these sorts of compromises, with the political parties themselves
having a direct say in the national security of the country, there can be no
guarantees that Haiti will get out of its cyclical messes. The stakes are
high this time, much higher on our 200th anniversary than they have never
been. We must all learn to think hard at our approaches to finally structure
our nation in a modern way, and achieve a comprehensive and sustainable
peace.

Best regards,
Hyppolite Pierre
IRSP
http://www.irsp.org