20095: anonymous: [Fwd: Response to the joint statement by Caribbean] (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

National Coordination for Advocacy on Women’s Rights

CONAP


March 7,2004

Dear Sisters of the Caribbean,

We, the members of the permanent coordinating committee of the National
Coordination for Advocacy on Women’s Rights (CONAP) were shocked and
outraged to receive your joint declaration denouncing a United
States-backed coup d’etat in Haiti and your defense of an outlaw regime.

We were shocked not only by the content of your statement but also by
the fact that prior to taking any stand with regard to the current
situation in Haiti, you did not take the precaution of contacting your
sisters and sister organizations in Haiti.

CONAP is composed of a wide variety of feminist organizations and grass
-roots womens organizations throughout the country. We also feel that it
would be appropriate to remind you all that the coordinating committee
is composed of ENFOFANM, which is a member of CAFRA, SOFA which is the
national contact for the International March, Kay Fanm which organized
the International Tribunal on Violence against Women which many of you
supported, and Fanm Yo La, a feminist organization working for gender
equality in the political arena.  We would also like to remind you that
all of CONAP member organizations were involved in the organization of
the recent meeting of the Assembly of Caribbean Peoples in August 2003.

Prior to addressing the more fundamental issues related to the
fallacious and racist comments in your declaration, we would like to
unequivocally state that the manner in which you proceeded is a direct
affront to the principles of feminist practice which should have guided
your action and the principles of solidarity which should have informed
your position. We take this as a direct affront and believe that this
translates your total lack of regard and respect of your sisters in Haiti.

With regard to the fallacious and racist statements in your declaration,
we can only conclude that you did not deign to read any of the
declarations made by CONAP and its member organizations during the past
months and years. We would also like to remind you that in order to
facilitate communication with women and women’s organizations within the
region- whom we thought were our sisters; we produced these statements
in English and Spanish. Therefore the oft-used excuse that you do not
understand French does not provide an easy out. Therefore we can only
conclude that either you are not really interested in what has been
happening in Haiti and the position of women’s organizations or that
your position is more motivated by your own individual and personal
concerns - rather than the interests of the women and men of Haiti.


Therefore we beg to differ with your statement that “We have always
deeply felt that we must defend Haiti because Haiti is ours”. We have on
the contrary found you to be both suspiciously absent and silent. Where
have you all been? Obviously focused on other issues far from the
reality of Haiti and the Haitian people. Haiti and Haitian women were
neither in your hearts nor in your minds. Under the circumstances,
wisdom would have suggested that you either inform yourself prior to
taking a stand or remain entrenched in your habitual and “safe” silence.

For the purpose of brevity and despite the fact that we feel that it
would be incumbent on you all to learn your history, we would like to
focus on the following statements made in your declaration.

    1. You have insisted on the fact that Aristide was a democratically
       elected president with a constitutional government. We would like
       to remind you that the legislative elections of 2000 were roundly
       denounced by both national and international human rights
       organizations, as well as international observers including a
       Trinidadian- as being severely flawed and rigged. Despite this,
       the regime proceeded with the installation of an illegitimate
       parliament. This was followed by a so called presidential election
       in November 2000 with 5% of the electorate, and the so called
       victory of a single candidate Mr. Aristide. At best, one could
       state that he was elected with a major democratic deficit and a
       total lack of legitimacy.
    2. In December 2000, under orders of the newly elected president,
       parliamentarians and officials of the regime, accompanied by armed
       thugs, burned and ransacked political party headquarters and non
       governmental organizations.
    3. Over the past three years, the Lavalas regime has
       institutionalized corruption and dilapidation of the public
       treasury, aided and abetted drug trafficking, perverted the
       national police and further consolidated its power through arming
       gangs of street children and delinquents.
    4. These gangs, in open collaboration with the police, and funded by
       the government, have engaged in systematic human rights violations
       (disappearances, tortures, extortion) and have perpetrated
       numerous acts of gender based violence. Had you bothered to read
       our statements you would have been informed.
    5. Over the past years, the Lavalas regime has tried to silence all
       voices of dissent; political parties, journalists and the
       independent media, human rights organizations, peasant
       organizations, labour unions, and women’s organizations.
    6. Rather than addressing the needs of the Haitian population, the
       regime preferred to use both licit and illicit funds to pay gangs
       and other supporters, open offshore accounts, build palatial homes
       and buy luxurious cars, and put up billboards with the effigy of
       the President. The level of institutionalized corruption reached
       new heights in a country in which the vast majority struggles to
       ensure daily survival.
    7. In addition to attempting to silence the voices of dissent and
       democracy in Haiti and ignoring the basic needs of the Haitian
       population, the Lavalas regime has spent millions of Haitian tax
       payer dollars to hire lobbyists to “defend” his cause in regional
       and international fora. Conflicts of interests abound both within
       the United States and the Caribbean. The targets of this lobbying
       effort included the Black Caucus, members of the Democratic Party
       and highly placed officials with the region. It would be very
       informative for you to look into this further.
    8. In October 2003, women’s organizations lead by CONAP denounced the
       Lavalas regime and labeled them an outlaw and rogue regime. The
       notion of an outlaw regime, devoid of legitimacy and authority to
       act on behalf of the Haitian people, was then appropriated by a
       broad coalition of other civil society actors in Haiti. We would
       like to draw to your attention that this broad based and
       heterogeneous coalition of civil society actors constitutes a
       major contribution to democracy in Haiti because the future
       requires the participation of all sectors of the Haitian
       population as engaged and responsible actors.
    9. As of November 2003 numerous demonstrations were disrupted by
       armed gangs working hand in hand with the police. The sanctity of
       the university was violated as was the inviolability of hospitals.
       We would like to believe that you were at least aware of this-but
       perhaps not.
   10. The appearance of rebel forces in Gonaives in December were the
       logical outcome of Aristide’s policy of arming thugs and then when
       they were no longer useful, executing them. It was a clear case of
       thugs turning against their master. While clearly condemning the
       use of violence, CONAP recognizes that this situation was perhaps
       inevitable.
   11. The situation further escalated in January and February 2004
       beginning with the masquerade organized around the bicentennial
       which was boycotted by every civil society organization in Haiti.
       A parody of every fundamental value which underlies the Haitian
       revolution, this celebration by an outlaw regime was of course
       attended by CARICOM representatives.

   12. The escalating violence in the country and the continued belief in
       the underlying principles of democracy led the Haitian population,
       through its various bodies representative of all sectors of the
       nation, to call for the resignation of the President. This was and
       is a democratic demand. All elected officials, even those who have
       a deficit of legitimacy, must be held accountable for their
       actions. Unless we are mistaken, this is also a fundamental
       principle in the rest of the Caribbean. However we find it
       interesting that rather than defending this principle, you appear
       to be more comfortable stating that Haiti warrants a second rate
       democracy.
   13. This same attitude coloured the position of your heads of
       government who preferred to hide behind fallacious arguments based
       on supposed popularity rather than taking a brave and principled
       stand on the fundamental rights and aspirations of the Haitian
       people and rule of law. By their lack of courage they also
       contributed to creating a situation which continued to deteriorate
       and which opened the door to the re-apparition of FRAPH, members
       of the former military and finally the presence of foreign troops
       on Haitian soil.
   14. In the days and weeks immediately preceding and following Mr.
       Aristide’s resignation, under direct orders of the Lavalas regime,
       thugs, officials and accomplices of the regime pillaged, burned
       and destroyed state intuitions, private businesses including
       numerous banks. In addition to the destruction of institutions and
       productive infrastructures, they also continued a campaign of
       systematic repression against the Haitian population. This
       provoked massive internal migrations as well as the influx of
       trans border migration and boat people.
   15. While it is unclear the role played by the international community
       in the recent events in Haiti and most particularly in the
       appearance of new social actors in the political arena, and the
       need to clarify the roles and responsibilities of all, the
       resignation of Mr. Aristide constitutes a victory for the Haitian
       people and for the women’s movement. Unfortunately, we are
       celebrating this without you.
   16. The challenges facing Haiti are enormous both in terms of ensuring
       inclusion within the political process, ending impunity,
       strengthening national control, denouncing the occupation, and
       laying the foundations to recapitalize an economy which has been
       ruined by the will of one man who was willing to do anything to
       maintain his power. We would have liked to engage in the process
       and address theses challenges with our Caribbean sisters- but if
       necessary we shall do it alone.


In closing, the Caribbean Charter for Civil Society owes a debt of
gratitude to the work done by many of you, including most of all Peggy
Antrobus- it is a shame that you do not believe that the Haitian people
should benefit those same rights and that our leaders should be held
accountable to the same standards to which you aspire.


Tomorrow is International Women’s Day, and right now, with the sound of
gunshots in the background as Lavalas armed thugs open fire on
demonstrators, and dozens of national and international gunshot victims
in the hospital and in the morgue, we are continuing to organize and
focusing our efforts on building a country where our rights will be
respected and our voices heard.


For the National Coordination for Advocacy on Women’s Rights:




Myriam Merlet                            Olga
Benoit                               Yolette Jeanty

ENFOFANM
                             SOFA
Kay Fanm