20235: (Lucien) Gerard Latortue: HAITI: IDEAS FOR POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: Jean-Patrick Lucien <patlucien@yahoo.com>

INTER-AMERICAN DIALOGUE CONFERENCE
“HAITI: IDEAS FOR POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT”
MARCH 13, 2003 - WASHINGTON D.C,

Gerard R. Latortue

1. GOVERNANCE AND INSTITUTIONAL PROBLEMS

Solution to the Political Crisis

When one considers the positions of the international community, of the
Haitian democratic opposition, of the students organizations, and of the
Haitian civil society in general, a logical conclusion is that there MUST be
a solution to the political crisis before any actions can be undertaken to
even begin to reduce the continued deterioration of social conditions and to
alleviate chronic poverty in Haiti. OAS resolution 822 offers the framework
for a possible solution. It is now up to the OAS to decide how it will
respond to the non-compliance with the resolution on the part of the Haitian
actors.

Since actions by the opposition and the Civil Society were predicated upon
the application by the Haitian authorities of certain clauses of 822, it
appears that at this time the OAS is faced with four options: 1) wait as
long as it takes to see if the Haitian government will live up to its
commitments regarding the resolution; 2) vote a new resolution; 3) keep on
sending missions to Haiti; and 4) In concert with the international
community at large and vital forces in Haiti and the Haitian Diaspora, come
forth with an imposable scenario to end the unbearable suffering of the
Haitian people, in conformity with the “Responsibility to Protect” a
population in danger, without infringing upon the right of the Haitians to
self-determination. (Reference: Report of the International Commission on
Intervention and State Sovereignty).

Regarding the formation of the CEP and the holding of elections, one thing
is certain: there is no lasting solution to the crisis without democratic,
free, and fair elections. However, as long as the institutions of the
country, particularly the Police and the Judiciary are under the control of
the party in power, allowing for persecution of dissenting voices by
supporters of the government, there will be no security and there will NOT
be enough confidence for non-lavalas candidates to participate in the
elections, even with the presence of foreign monitors. (Reference: recent
statements by Louis Joinet, David Lee, and Human Rights Organizations). This
is also the consensus coming today from leaders of the democratic
opposition, civil society, religious organizations, women groups, and the
Haitian public at large. Looking
and revising statements made by different leaders over the 1986-1990 period,
one can now recognize the incredible truth that the December 1990
presidential elections, contrarily to what was expected to happen in the
aborted 1987 elections, were in fact won by the faction that projected no
firm belief in free elections as a fundamental part of the democratic
process.

Overview of Proposal for Political Reforms
The organization of flawed or fraudulent elections under the constitution of
1987 started to handicap good governance in Haiti since 1995 (Reference:
Reports by the Carter Center as well as by the International Republican
Institute - IRI). An already bad situation was made worst with the polls of
1997 and 2000. Grossly fraudulent elections like those witnessed in Haiti’s
recent history sow the seeds of discord within the population. They create
the kind of frustration, which, when gone unsolved for too long, fosters
social instability. In order to bring Haiti on the path of socio-economic
progress, the chain of fraudulent elections must be broken, by creating, as
a first step, conditions that are conducive to full participation in the
electoral process.
Oftentimes Haitians complain about the high number of political parties
within the political system. Whether this is warranted or not, many think
that the plethora of political parties is part of the problem. People are
free to have as many political parties as they want. However, as long as
there are not two, three or even four major parties that can clearly make a
difference and stabilize the system, the political cacophony will continue.
In order to address this problem, I would like to make the following
proposal:

• All the political parties or coalitions of parties that had fielded
candidates for at least 30 percent of available seats during the aborted May
2000 elections will receive an equal financial support from the state during
the upcoming democratic, free and fair elections.

• The three parties or coalitions of parties that will have received the
most votes in the upcoming elections will receive a budgeted financial
support from the state over the next ten years following the elections.

Those measures should help establish a viable party system in the country,
with two to three major parties.

Overview of Proposal for Public Security and Judicial Reforms

Public security and an adequately working judicial system constitute another
key requirement to put Haiti on the path to socio-economic progress. It is
possible to devise a security plan that would increase the safety of
Haitians in their homes, in their offices, on the streets, on the major
roads or wherever they might be in the country. A practical scenario to
reform the judicial system, particularly through the elimination of
corruption, would accompany such a plan. Professional and efficient police
work should help bring down the crime rate that has skyrocketed in Haiti in
recent years. In so doing, the police would fulfill its important role as
the auxiliary of the judicial system.

Until a de-politicized police force can effectively ensure public security,
the OAS Special Mission to Haiti has received the mandate to “improve
security conditions relating to political activity” by providing “assistance
in the development of mechanisms and procedures to ensure the security of
all political parties, their officers and candidates, as part of creating a
propitious climate for future elections in the country”. This is a noble
objective assigned to the Special Mission. However, as international
analysts and Haitian political leaders (Haiti Democracy Project and
MDN/MPSN) have been noticing recently, the Mission cannot fulfill this
objective with one hundred police monitors. There must be “a force of some
2,000 to 3,000 election security monitors” to supervise the disarmament of
the so-called “popular armies” and to create the “propitious climate for
elections”. Furthermore, it would be worthwhile for the international
community to consider assisting Haiti in setting up a national security
force responsible, among other things, for the protection of the integrity
of the national territory, considering the pervasiveness of drug transit
routes throughout Haiti, at the borders, and in the territorial waters.

2. SOCIO-ECONOMIC VISION (in the framework of a dynamic public/private
sectors partnership)

FIVE SPECIFIC OBJECTIVES:

• Build up the social infrastructures: healthcare, education, sanitation,
social housing, drinking water, and social safety net.

• Build up the economic infrastructures: roads, telecommunication, energy,
ports and airports (Including the protection of public investments through
the creation of a “Service for the Maintenance of Public Works and Public
Equipments).

• Create jobs and generate revenues in the different regions of the country
through a decentralized framework.
• Reduce Poverty, promote sustainable development and protection of the
environment, and accelerate the process of national and regional
integration.

• Create an environment conducive to investments for the purpose of
increasing national production by, among other things, promoting human
resources development and fighting corruption.

3. GROWTH OPPORTUNITIES

SHORT TO MEDIUM TERM

• Environmental protection and production of cash crops (Tropical Fruits /
Reforestation).

• Revitalization of the Assembly Industry and Handicraft.

• Modernization of the public enterprises that have already been identified.

• New investments (local, foreign, and expatriate Haitians).

LONG TERM

• Creation of a network of small and medium scale enterprises in the
different regions of the country.

• Modernization of the economic structures by promoting reforms and
entrepreneurial activities in key sub-sectors:

Agriculture

? Establishment of the national land register.
? Enactment of land reform through the regrouping of farmlands.
? Provision of equipment and small agricultural machinery to farmers under
rent or sale contracts.
? Provision of agricultural credit under preferential conditions.
? Construction of lakes and ponds in rural areas for agricultural purposes.
? Development of Fisheries and Aquaculture.
? Promotion of Animal Husbandry.

Industry

? Promotion of Building Materials (cements, bricks and marbles).
? Promotion of Agribusiness, including the conservation or the
transformation of fruits and vegetables.
? Promotion of Metallurgic and mechanic industries.
? Promotion of Pharmaceutical industries including the industrialization of
medicinal plants.
? Promotion of Vegetable Oils.
? Promotion of Essential oils.
? Promotion of Textile and clothing products, especially for the Assembly
Industry.

Services

? Promotion of Tourism, with special emphasis on attracting Haitians living
abroad.
? Promotion of New Information technologies.
? Promotion of Insurance, Banking and other Financial Services.
? Promotion of Private Consulting Firms.
? Promotion of Sport, Art, Music and Folklore.
? Promotion of Transportation Enterprises.

Overview of Proposal for Growth Opportunity Through the Production of
Tropical Fruits (Reforestation)

The grim socio-economic conditions of Haiti call for firm strategic
decisions to be made now so that as the population reaches the 20 million
predicted by the end of the next two decades, the country may be able to
cope with the exigencies of the global economy. About 60 percent of Haitians
live in the countryside, farming lands that are 95 percent eroded. Sixty
percent of the total land area has slopes greater than 20 percent.

To remedy this situation, I would like to propose that the 60% of
mountainous and denuded area, that is around 1.6 million hectares, be
reforested with tropical fruit trees. According to the Food and Agriculture
Organization of the United Nations (FAO), “demand prospects for tropical
fruits other than bananas are expected to be favorable over the next decade
(the fresh fruits included in these projections are pineapples, mangoes,
avocados and papayas). The projected global average annual growth in demand
for the four fruits would range from 3 to 4.5 percent. Compounded over ten
years from a base period of 1993-1995, import demand would increase by an
average of 40 percent by the year 2005”. Haiti exports annually around
14,000 metric tons of Francis Mangoes (a unique variety, available only from
Haiti). Specializing in tropical fruits production could give Haiti an edge
in the global tropical fruits market, which promises to reach into the tens
of billions of dollars in the decades to come.

4. SOCIAL IMPROVEMENTS

Overview of proposal for social improvements

The social conditions in Haiti can improve enormously through a partnership
between the state and potential homeowners in the lower classes. The
proposal for social improvements includes the creation of modern villages
where modest houses can be built in both rural and urban areas. The only
cost from the state in this program would come in the form of logistical and
technical support. Such assistance from the state would allow the citizens
who would participate in the program to reduce by about 2/3 the cost of
building a decent home. This would create the kind of environment that would
facilitate the dispensing of services such as education, healthcare, public
security, telephone, electricity, running water, leisure, and marketplaces
to the vast majority of people who are now scattered over the countryside
without any of those services.

5. WAYS AND MEANS

SHORT-TERM

• Reallocation of national resources based on fiscal discipline and
relentless fight against all forms of corruption.

• Renegotiation with the international community (Bilateral and
multilateral) of a new program of cooperation with emphasis on
accountability, regular reporting, and the respect of norms and procedures
when awarding contracts and in all public procurements.

• Reduction in all non-essential expenses in government activities including
purchasing of luxurious vehicles and travel abroad.


MEDIUM-TERM

• Fiscal reform based on the simplification and rationalization of the
revenue collection system and continuous fight against corruption.

• Systematic channeling of financial resources from expatriate Haitians
(about $500 million a year) to foster growth in the motherland economy.

• Strengthening of international cooperation with our traditional partners
particularly the International Financial Institutions

LONG-TERM

• Increased revenues in the Framework of Disciplined Fiscal Policy and an
enlarged tax base.

• Fight against all forms of corruption and frauds in revenue collection and
public procurements.

• Continuation of external cooperation with our traditional partners

• Continuation of the channeling of financial resources from expatriate
Haitians

Overview of proposal for the opportunity to generate financial resources
from expatriate Haitians

The goal would be to generate resources, potentially $500 million a year, to
finance the development program of the government through the sale of
“Development Coupons” to expatriate Haitians. Approximately 2 million
Haitians live and work abroad. The program would target at least 1 million
of them for one visit per year to Haiti. Haitians abroad would be encouraged
to buy at least one “Development Coupon” each year to use during their visit
to the motherland. The coupon would give them access to an array of
transportation and other courtesy services from the time they land at the
airport to the time they leave. A private firm would be contracted by the
state to manage this program.

In concluding, it is essential to reiterate that the success of all the
ideas proposed in this paper requires the existence in Haiti of the rule of
law, equal justice and security for all, efficient management, fight against
all forms of corruption, dynamic public/private sector partnership, and good
governance under the leadership of a team of civil servants whose integrity,
experience, and competence are well-established. What Haiti needs today from
the international community is not only humanitarian or financial
assistance, but a real commitment as in 1994 to help us put an end to an
unacceptable situation, which is rejected by all the vital sectors of the
country.

Leaders of the democratic opposition demand a change, the civil society
demands a change, religious organizations demand a change, women groups
demand a change, the workers unions demand a change, students organizations
demand a change, the peasants organizations demand a change, the Human
Rights organizations demand a change, and the Haitian public at large is
waiting for a change. Nevertheless, I must also clarify that those who are
asking for change are divided into two groups; the more radical ones wish
the immediate departure of the president while the other group would like a
change in the governance of the country, a change that will bring security,
justice, and development as long as we have a government led by an
independent Prime Minister willing to assume the responsibilities given to
him by the constitution.

It is important to remember that according to the 1987 constitution, the
head of the government is not the president, but the Prime Minister. It is
my opinion that the view expressed by those in the second group might open a
window for a possible solution to the crisis. The imposable scenario I
talked about earlier could come in the form of the view expressed by the
second group. The entire country is open to those who want and can help us
organize credible, free and fair elections, institute the rule of law, equal
justice and security for all, and realize the disarmament of the gangs. Let
us all hope that something positive along this line can be done soon before
our beloved Haiti slides into situations comparable to what happened in
Somalia, Sierra Leone, Kossovo, or Liberia.

*This paper centers on the main points of the conference’s agenda and it
presents only an outline (in some cases a brief overview) of subjects that
are developed more fully in a proposal on Haiti.

GERARD R. LATORTUE
grlato@adelphia.net