20719: erzilidanto: The U.S. Occupation of Haiti - History repeats itself (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: Erzilidanto@aol.com

Self-Determining Haiti: The American Occupation

By James Weldon Johnson
The Nation 111 (Aug. 28, 1920)

(See, http://haitiforever.com/windowsonhaiti/haiti_oc_series_03.shtml ;
www.Africana.com or http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/haitianlawyers.html
and
http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/law_haiti.html )



******
Ezili Danto's note: After you've read James Weldon Johnson's article below,
you won't be surprise if this 2004 U.S. puppet government in Haiti decides the
1987 Haitian Constitution which had reversed the U.S.-occupation imposed
Constitution must be revised.....How far shall history repeat itself?
*******


Note by Prof. Kim Pearson: Once again there are US troops in Haiti, in the
bicentennial year of the world's first black republic. They were there from
1915-34, and in 1994, each time, ostensibly, to quell anarchy and establish
democratic rule. But the real story has never been that simple, or that noble.


In fact, James Weldon Johnson's 1920 exposé for The Nation, "Self-Determining
Haiti" argued that the US really has been quite ignoble. The damning
assessment, printed below, was remarkable from such a temperate aristocrat. James
Weldon Johnson was born in Florida in 1871 to cultured, assimilationist parents.
By 1920, Johnson had already been an attorney, an educator and a diplomat. He
had co-written "Lift Ev'ry Voice and Sing," now known as the Black National
Anthem, and had written Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man, published in 1912.


Johnson visited Haiti just as he became the first black executive secretary
in the struggling National Association for the Advancement of Colored People,
naively believing that the NAACP could be a model for Haitian political
organization. He died in 1938, still hoping to see Haiti rise. Instead, as scholar
Brenda Gayle Plummer has written, "Haiti prefigured the modern Latin American
experience and provides a classic example of how national aspirations... were
derailed."-Kim Pearson (http://professorkim.blogspot.com/)
******

Self-Determining Haiti: The American Occupation

By James Weldon Johnson

First published in The Nation, Aug. 28, 1920


To know the reasons for the present political situation in Haiti, to
understand why the United States landed and has for five years maintained military
forces in that country, why some three thousand Haitian men, women, and children
have been shot down by American rifles and machine guns, it is necessary,
among other things, to know that the National City Bank of New York is very much
interested in Haiti. It is necessary to know that the National City Bank
controls the National Bank of Haiti and is the depository for all of the Haitian
national funds that are being collected by American officials, and that Mr. R. L.
Farnham, vice-president of the National City Bank, is virtually the
representative of the State Department in matters relating to the island republic. Most
Americans have the opinion - if they have any opinion at all on the subject -
that the United States was forced, on purely humane grounds, to intervene in
the black republic because of the tragic coup d'etat which resulted in the
overthrow and death of President Vilbrun Guillaume Sam and the execution of the
political prisoners confined at Port-au-Prince, July 27-28, 1915; and that this
government has been compelled to keep a military force in Haiti since that
time to pacify the country and maintain order.


The fact is that for nearly a year before forcible intervention on the part
of the United States this government was seeking to compel Haiti to submit to
"peaceable" intervention. Toward the close of 1914 the United States notified
the government of Haiti that it was disposed to recognize the newly-elected
president, Theodore Davilmar, as soon as a Haitian commission would sign at
Washington "satisfactory protocols" relative to a convention with the United States
on the model of the Dominican-American Convention. On December 15, 1914, the
Haitian government, through its Secretary of Foreign Affairs, replied: "The
Government of the Republic of Haiti would consider itself lax in its duty to the
United States and to itself if it allowed the least doubt to exist of its
irrevocable intention not to accept any control of the administration of Haitian
affairs by a foreign Power." On December 19, the United States, through its
legation at Port-au-Prince, replied, that in expressing its willingness to do in
Haiti what had been done in Santo Domingo it "was actuated entirely by a
disinterested desire to give assistance."


Two months later, the Theodore government was overthrown by a revolution and
Vilbrun Guillaume was elected president. Immediately afterwards there arrived
at Port-au-Prince an American commission from Washington - the Ford mission.
The commissioners were received at the National Palace and attempted to take up
the discussion of the convention that had been broken off in December, 1914.
However, they lacked full powers and no negotiations were entered into. After
several days, the Ford mission sailed for the United States. But soon after,
in May, the United States sent to Haiti Mr. Paul Fuller, Jr., with the title
Envoy Extraordinary, on a special mission to apprise the Haitian government that
the Guillaume administration would not be recognized by the American
government unless Haiti accepted and signed the project of a convention which he was
authorized to present. After examining the project the Haitian government
submitted to the American commission a counter-project, formulating the conditions
under which it would be possible to accept the assistance of the United
States. To this counter-project Mr. Fuller proposed certain modifications, some of
which were accepted by the Haitian government. On June 5, 1915, Mr. Fuller
acknowledged the receipt of the Haitian communication regarding these
modifications, and sailed from Port-au-Prince.

Before any further discussion of the Fuller project between the two
governments, political incidents in Haiti led rapidly to the events of July 27 and 28.
On July 27 President Guillaume fled to the French Legation, and on the same
day took place a massacre of the political prisoners in the prison at
Port-au-Prince. On the morning of July 28 President Guillaume was forcibly taken from
French Legation and killed. On the afternoon of July 28 an American man-of-war
dropped anchor in the harbor of Port-au-Prince and landed American forces. It
should be borne in mind that through all of this the life of not a single
American citizen had been taken or jeopardized.


The overthrow of Guillaume and its attending consequences did not constitute
the cause of American intervention in Haiti, but merely furnished the awaited
opportunity. Since July 28, 1915, American military forces have been in
control of Haiti. These forces have been increased until there are now somewhere
near three thousand Americans under arms in the republic. From the very first,
the attitude of the Occupation has been that it was dealing with a conquered
territory. Haitian forces were disarmed, military posts and barracks were
occupied, and the National Palace was taken as headquarters for the Occupation. After
selecting a new and acceptable president for the country, steps were at once
taken to compel the Haitian government to sign a convention in which it
virtually foreswore its independence. This was accomplished by September 16, 1915;
and although the terms of this convention provided for the administration of
the Haitian customs by American civilian officials, all the principal custom
houses of the country had been seized by military force and placed in charge of
American Marine officers before the end of August. The disposition of the funds
collected in duties from the time of the military seizure of the custom
houses to the time of their administration by civilian officials is still a
question concerning which the established censorship in Haiti allows no discussion.


It is interesting to note the wide difference between the convention which
Haiti was forced to sign and the convention which was in course of diplomatic neg
otiation the moment of intervention. The Fuller convention asked little of
Haiti and gave something, the Occupation convention demands everything of Haiti
and gives nothing. The Occupation convention is really the same convention
which the Haitian government peremptorily refused to discuss in December, 1914,
except that in addition to American control of Haitian finances it also
provides for American control of the Haitian military forces. The Fuller convention
contained neither of these provisions. When the United States found itself in a
position to take what it had not even dared to ask, it used brute force and
took it. But even a convention which practically deprived Haiti of its
independence was found not wholly adequate for the accomplishment of all that was
contemplated. The Haitian constitution still offered some embarrassments, so it
was decided that Haiti must have a new constitution. It was drafted and
presented to the Haitian assembly for adoption. The assembly balked - chiefly at the
article in the proposed document removing the constitutional disability which
prevented aliens from owning land in Haiti. Haiti had long considered the
denial of this right to aliens as her main bulwark against overwhelming economic
exploitation; and it must be admitted that she had better reasons than the
several states of the United States that have similar provisions.


The balking of the assembly resulted in its being dissolved by actual
military force and the locking of doors of the Chamber. There has been no Haitian
legislative body since. The desired constitution was submitted to a plebiscite by
a decree of the President, although such a method of constitutional revision
was clearly unconstitutional. Under the circumstances of the Occupation the
plebiscite was, of course, almost unanimous for the desired change, and the new
constitution was promulgated on June 18, 1918. Thus Haiti was given a new
constitution by a flagrantly unconstitutional method. The new document contains
several fundamental changes and includes a "Special Article" which declares:


    All the acts of the Government of the United States during its military
Occupation in Haiti are ratified and confirmed.


    No Haitian shall be liable to civil or criminal prosecution for any act
done by order of the Occupation or under its authority.


    The acts of the courts martial of the Occupation, without, however,
infringing on the right to pardon, shall not be subject to revision.


    The acts of the Executive Power (the President) up to the promulgation of
the present constitution are likewise ratified and confirmed.


The above is the chronological order of the principal steps by which the
independence of a neighboring republic has been taken away, the people placed
under foreign military domination from which they have no appeal and exposed to
foreign economic exploitation against which they are defenseless. All of this
has been done in the name of the Government of the United States; however,
without any act by Congress and without any knowledge of the American people.


The law by which Haiti is ruled today is martial law dispensed by Americans.
There is a form of Haitian civil government, but it is entirely dominated by
the military Occupation. President Dartiguenave, bitterly rebellious at heart
as is every good Haitian, confessed to me the powerlessness of himself and his
cabinet. He told me that the American authorities give no heed to
recommendations made by him or his officers; that they would not even discuss matters
about which the Haitian officials have superior knowledge. The provisions of both
the old and the new constitutions are ignored in that there is no Haitian
legislative body, and there has been none since the dissolution of the assembly in
April, 1916. In its stead there is a Council of State composed of twenty-one
members appointed by the president, which functions effectively only when
carrying out the will of the Occupation. Indeed the Occupation often overrides the
civil courts. A prisoner brought before the proper court, exonerated, and
discharged, is, nevertheless, frequently held by the military. All government
funds are collected by the Occupation and are dispensed at its will and pleasure.
The greater part of these funds is expended for the maintenance of the
military forces. There is the strictest censorship of the press. No Haitian
newspaper is allowed to publish anything in criticism of the Occupation or the Haitian
government. Each newspaper in Haiti received an order to that effect from the
Occupation, and the same order carried the injunction not to print the order.
Nothing that might reflect upon the Occupation administration in Haiti is
allowed to reach the newspapers of the United States.


The Haitian people justly complain that not only is the convention inimical
to the best interests of their country, but that the convention, such as it is,
is not being carried out in accordance with the letter, nor in accordance
with the spirit in which they were led to believe it would be carried out. Except
one, all of the obligations in the convention which the United States
undertakes in favor of Haiti are contained in the first article of that document, the
other fourteen articles being made up substantially of obligations to the
United States assumed by Haiti. But nowhere in those fourteen articles is there
anything to indicate that Haiti would be subjected to military domination. In
Article I the United States promises to "aid the Haitian government in the
proper and efficient development of its agricultural, mineral, and commercial
resources and in the establishment of the finances of Haiti on a firm and solid
basis." And the whole convention and, especially, the protestations of the
United States before the signing of the instrument can be construed only to mean
that that aid would be extended through the supervision of civilian officials.


The one promise of the United States to Haiti not contained in the first
article of the convention is that clause of Article XIV which says, "and, should
the necessity occur, the United States will lend an efficient aid for the
preservation of Haitian independence and the maintenance of a government adequate
for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty." It is the
extreme of irony that this clause which the Haitians had a right to interpret as a
guarantee to them against foreign invasion should first of all be invoked
against the Haitian people themselves, and offer the only peg on which any pretense
to a right of military domination can be hung.


There are several distinct forces - financial, military, bureaucratic - at
work in Haiti which, tending to aggravate the conditions they themselves have
created, are largely self-perpetuating. The most sinister of these, the
financial engulfment of Haiti by the National City Bank of New York, already alluded
to, will be discussed in detail in a subsequent article. The military
Occupation has made and continues to make military Occupation necessary. The
justification given is that it is necessary for the pacification of the country. Pa
cification would never have been necessary had not American policies been filled
with so many stupid and brutal blunders; and it will never be effective so long
as "pacification" means merely the hunting of ragged Haitians in the hills
with machine guns.


Then there is the force which the several hundred American civilian
place-holders constitute. They have found in Haiti the veritable promised land of "jobs
for deserving democrats" and naturally do not wish to see the present status
discontinued. Most of these deserving democrats are Southerners. The head of
the customs service of Haiti was a clerk of one of the parishes of Louisiana.
Second in charge of the customs service of Haiti is a man who was Deputy
Collector of Customs at Pascagoula, Mississippi [population, 3,379, 1910 Census].
The Superintendent of Public Instruction was a school teacher in Louisiana - a
State which has not good schools even for white children; the financial
advisor, Mr. McIlhenny, is also from Louisiana.


Many of the Occupation officers are in the same category with the civilian
place-holders. These men have taken their wives and families to Haiti. Those at
Port-au-Prince live in beautiful villas. Families that could not keep a hired
girl in the United States have a half-dozen servants. They ride in automobiles
- not their own. Every American head of a department in Haiti has an
automobile furnished at the expense of the Haitian Government, whereas members of the
Haitian cabinet, who are theoretically above them, have no such convenience or
luxury. While I was there, the President himself was obliged to borrow an
automobile from the Occupation for a trip through the interior. The Louisiana
school-teacher Superintendent of Instruction has an automobile furnished at
government expense, whereas the Haitian Minister of Public Instruction, his
supposed superior officer, has none. These automobiles seem to be chiefly employed in
giving the women and children an airing each afternoon. It must be amusing,
when it is not maddening to the Haitians, to see with what disdainful air these
people look upon them as they ride by.


The platform adopted by the Democratic party at San Francisco said of the
Wilson policy in Mexico:


    The Administration, remembering always that Mexico is an independent
nation and that permanent stability in her government and her institutions could
come only from the consent of her own people to a government of her own making,
has been unwilling either to profit by the misfortunes of the people of
Mexico or to enfeeble their future by imposing, from the outside a rule upon their
temporarily distracted councils.


Haiti has never been so distracted in its councils as Mexico. And even in its
moments of greatest distraction it never slaughtered an American citizen, it
never molested an American woman, it never injured a dollar's worth of
American property. And yet, the Administration whose lofty purpose was proclaimed as
above - with less justification than Austria's invasion of Serbia, or
Germany's rape of Belgium, without warrant other than the doctrine that "might makes
right," has conquered Haiti. It has done this through the very period when, in
the words of its chief spokesman, our sons were laying down their lives
overseas "for democracy, for the rights of those who submit to authority to have a
voice in their own government, for the rights and liberties of small nations."
By command of the author of "pitiless publicity" and originator of "open
covenants openly arrived at," it has enforced by the bayonet a covenant whose
secret has been well guarded by a rigid censorship from the American nation, and
kept a people enslaved by the military tyranny which it was his avowed purpose
to destroy throughout the world.

 ******