21109: Slavin: Leth writes on Aristide's final hours (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: JPS390@aol.com

Jorgen Leth wrote the following for the Danish daily "Politiken," published 4 April. Leth also translated it, admittedly roughly - but the essense of the story is quite clear.

Translation from the Danish daily Politiken

 "You know why I am here?"

 Jorgen Leth, reporting from Port-au-Prince

 It happened one month ago, and it is still the big international contreverse. Was president Jean Bertrand Aristide kidnapped by the Americans and led involuntarily out of the country that early Sunday morning February 29th?

 And was he, with the complicity of the French government, placed against his wishes in The Central African Republic?

 That was the president's own explanation, and it was immediately put into
 circulation in a concentrated media-campaign by his well-paid American
 lobbyists, and his personal friends in the Black Caucus.

 The Aristide explanation had an immediate effect as a signal to his
 supporters in Port-au-Prince who went on the streets with demands for his
 return, shouting "Bush terroriste". And it has also led to a diplomatic
 crisis between USA and Franmce on one side and the union of Carribean
 nations, Caricom, on the other.

 The opposite version claims that Aristide himself made the decision to
 leave the country because of the risk of thousands being killed, and
 because of his concerns for his own physical security.

 The Aristide story looses ground after a series of modifications coming
 from the president himself in subsequent statements to the press, and some
 of his collaborators. It was a kidnapping, but maybe not entirely so, it
 was a coup d'etat, but a "modern type of coup d'etat" (and what did that
 mean?) etc.

 In the other version, pieces of the puzzle are falling in place, as one
 direct witness after another is talking. Among them high-ranking government
 employes in prime minister Yvon Neptune's government, members of the
 president's inner security team, and sources from the Dominican government
 who had been in touch with Aristide during the endgame.  This development
 has been reported by the respected French daily Le Monde.

 Another element that has given credibility to the chronology of the
 non-Aristide version is direct observations late Saturday evening of
 traffic around the US embassador's residence and the prime minister's
 offices, in Villa d'Accueil.

 The man in the center of the dramatic events, Luis Moreno, next in command
 at the US embassy, agreed to give a detailed chronological account to the
 Danish daily Politiken about what happened in the hours leading to the
 goodbye in the airport.

 Mr.Moreno said there was a very tense mood in the embassy the nights by the
 end of that week. They had seen sufficient information to believe that much
 worse things were likely to happen, and that Aristide was planning to let
 hell break loose. They estimated thousands of dead people. So when they
 evacuated non-vital staff it was not hysteria, but out of real fear for
 what could happen.

 They had received the reinforcement of 50 marines, which were split up
 25-25 between embassy where Moreno was spending his nights, and
 embassador's residence.

 "We feared a bloodbath in Port-au-Prince".

 Moreno was in very bad mood Saturday because he had supervised the landing
 of a lot of half dissolved bodies of Haitian boatpeople. Then Foley called him and asked him "to be ready". Aristide had started a series of contacts to discuss conditions for his resignation and departure.

 Foley went to see Neptune at 7.30 p.m. Then after these soundings-out
 Aristide himself called Foley and wanted to know "how he could help him to
 get out. He was concerned about his own physical security." He called
 several times to discuss details.

 Moreno thought about his mission. He knew Aristide well after his earlier
 posting when he helped Aristide to settle after his return in 1994. "If he
 wanted to get out, he would have to go all the way. To avoid
 misunderstandings and confusion. A letter of resignation would be
 essential."

 Moreno then got in contact with Aristide and asked him to write such a
 letter, sign it and fax it to him at the embassy.

 We heard from other sources that Neptune was called just before 11 p.m.
 and asked to come urgently to Tabarre. There he met finance minister
 Faubert and the director of the Aristide foundation ,Mirlande Lubérice. And
 they would have to  wait until 3 a.m. before they would see the president
 and his wife Mildred who were upstairs during all that time packing and
 making phone calls to US lobbyists.

 In the early morning hours Moreno got a call from the embassador to go to
 Tabarre and get the president and his wife and take them
 to the airport. He had to go in a hurry because Aristide was becoming
 increasingly anxious. Moreno didn't have time to take a bulletproof vest nor a
sidearm for himself. he took six US security people plus one political officer with
 him, and they drove in two cars. The night was very unpleasant in the streets. Strange scary
 mood.

 When they came to Tabarre, they found many barricades, which seemed abandoned - and saw some dead bodies lying around on the street.

 Gates were opened and they drove up to residence. Moreno left his security
 people outside and went in, accompanied only by the political officer. He
 went straight up to president who was standing in the middle of the salon
 where he was talking with a tall man, his security chief , Frantz Gabriel,
 and surrounded by heavily armed white body guards from the Steel
 Foundation, California.

 Moreno went up to Aristide and spoke to him in Spanish - as they used to do.
 -
 "You know why I am here? "
 "Yes, I know. I am ready" .
 He pointed at two packed suitcases near by. He seemed resigned, but Mildred
 "looked pissed. She was shooting daggers at me".

 Moreno mentioned the letter. "I need that letter".
 Aristide's answer: "I have given you my word, and my word is my word."
 He repeated these words 6-7 times.

 "He was appealing to my sense of honour. But I wasn't happy. He is not
 exactly known to be a man who keeps his words. And he is very tricky."

 He had had a translator read the faxed letter at the embassy, but he knew
 he had to compare it to the original.

 He wanted to end the conversation. He told the president that the night was
 nasty outside, and they should get going. Aristide agreed, and they hurried
 to the cars. They were driving in three cars. Aristide brought an entourage
 of around 30 people with him, among them 25 Steel Foundation security men.

 Moreno later dismissed two of the stories told by the Aristide side. That
 the Steel people had been called away,
 "They were there all the time, and they went with him all the way."

 And that there had been any talks about press conference. "Why would he
 bring suitcases to meet the press?"

 On the tarmac they kept a low-key atmosphere. The presidential couple
 sitting in their car. When Moreno got a call that the plane was 20 minutes
 from landing, he approached the car and tapped at the window:
 "I need that letter now."
 Aristide didn't say a word, but reached over and took the letter from his
 wife's purse.
 Moreno gave it over his shoulder to the female translator who verified the
 words.

 There wasn't much left, except to shake hands.
 Moreno felt sad.
 "Mr.president, it is a sad moment to say goodbye under such circumstances."
 Aristide answered in English: "Sometimes life is like that".

 He stepped up the ladder with Mildred and entered the plane. The 25 Steel
 people delivered their heavy guns and brought only handguns as they, too,
 entered the plane. A moment later the plane took off towards an unknown
 destination. Several circumstances, among them a couple of stops, one of
 them in the Caribbean island Antigua, indicate that intense diplomatic
 negotiations were going on, after several countries, asked to receive the
 ex-president, seemed to have declined.

 Next day from Bangui, Aristide had a phone conversation with one of his
 faithful supporters, congresswoman Maxine Waters from California. His story
 was now that the couple had been kidnapped, and the Steel security people
 had left him, and that they were now in a place which they had not chosen.
 This story was rapidly sent out on the airwaves by an American radio
 station.

 The government of the Central African Republic didn't like this, and forbid
 Aristide to make more calls. A solidarity group, including some of his
 professional supporters,all American,  such as film maker Katherine Keane,
 journalist Kim Ives, lawyer Brian Concannon came to Bangui to visit the
 presidential couple. It was said that the presidential couple was in
 captivity, and there were some difficult moments when Madame Aristide
 wasn't allowed to speak at a surreal press conference.

 One week later Aristide received an invitation from Jamaican prime minister
 P.J. Patterson to stay in Jamaica for a maximum of 10 weeks. Another group of
friends came over in a chartered plane to accompany the couple on their trip
back to the Caribbean. Among those friends were congresswoman Maxine Waters, and
his 1-million-dollar-a-year lobbyist-lawyer Ira Kurzban.

 The newly named Haitian prime minister Gérard Latortue denounced this
 invitation by his Jamaican counterpart,calling it "an unfriendly act".
 He said that Aristide's presence such short distance from Haiti could
 agitate his supporters and could be misunderstood. Latortue withdrew
 Haiti's embassador to Jamaica and theatened that Haiti might abandon its
 membership of Caricom. Patterson in return said that his government didn't
 recognize Latortue's government.  The State Department also condemned
 Patterson's initiative and said it was not constructive to the healing
 process in Haiti.

 Some days ago, Mr.Patterson announced that he had asked the government of
 Nigeria to give  Aristide asylum, and that Nigeria had accepted to do that.
 One hour later there was a statement from one of Aristide's lobbyists, the
 civil rights activist Randall Robinson. He said that Aristide had not been
 asked if he wanted to go to Nigeria. And that he absolutely didn't want to
 go there.

 Comments from Afro-American politicians indicate that an asylum in Africa
 seems to be perceived as a punishment.
 Quite ironical considering Aristide's eagerness in inviting African leaders
 to participate in the celebration in January of his country's 200 years of
 independence, won by African slaves over the French colonial power.

 Moreno later commented on the Aristide version of his departure. He was
 disappointed: "It could have been his great moment. His letter was a
 dignified goodbye to the population. I tried to do my job in a dignified
 and professional way."

 He felt it was awkward that he who had risked his life at a couple of
 occasions protecting Aristide in 1994, and had been called "Mr.Lavalas" by
Aristide opponents, now was seen as the villain. He said he had agreed to speak about that
 night because "it has become a matter of honour for me."



 ------------
J.P. Slavin
New York
------------