21336: Esser: Haiti Update VIII: The Will and the Way (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: D. Esser torx@joimail.com

Africana
http://www.africana.com

April 14, 2004

Haiti Update VIII: The Will and the Way

The U.S. is unwilling to engage directly with the problems of Haiti
and would rather see the job managed by somebody, anybody else.
By Avi Steinberg

In his remarks last September at the swearing-in ceremony of Roger
Noriega as Assistant Secretary for Western Hemisphere Affairs, Colin
Powell permitted himself to fantasize aloud: "We seek thriving
economic partners that are democratic, stable and prosperous. We want
secure borders and cooperative neighbors." Powell concluded by
turning to Noriega and saying, "Your order is to bring this vision
closer to reality and to call me when you're finished."

"It's up to the Haitian people, not the military or peacekeeping
forces, to solve this problem." — Colin Powell

In joking about the immensity of the task and of his reluctance to
get involved, Powell, a man not noted for his sense of humor,
revealed something fundamental to U.S. policy in Haiti. Simply put,
the U.S. is unwilling to engage directly with the problems of Haiti
and would rather see the job managed by somebody, anybody else. This
week, Powell identified this somebody else as none other than the
Haitian people: "the disarmament process will not work unless the
Haitian people stand up and say: 'Enough! We don't want the past
repeating itself...' It's up to the Haitian people — not the military
or peacekeeping forces — to solve this problem. [If] the Haitian
people want it solved, they have to solve it." The U.S. can offer
money and the occasional democracy seminar, otherwise, the Secretary
says, the "Haitian people" must simply try harder.

It's hard to speak about all of the Haitian people, but it is fair to
say that some Haitian people are indeed making a great effort. These
people, with the backing of the United States, are trying very hard
to find and intimidate every last Lavalas Party member and purge
society of all dissent. Some of these people are trying very hard to
hold their fire until the Marines leave. The rest of Haiti is trying
hard to just get enough food in order to stay alive.

Powell is correct to say that disarmament — which is key to any
secure, democratic future for Haiti — requires the will of the
Haitian people. But will alone isn't enough. The U.S. must give all
sides material reasons to lay down their arms — when resources are
scarce, as they are in Haiti, people arm themselves and fight. This
is the matrix of poverty and violence in Haiti. Even as it calls on
the Haitian people to decide to resolve their problems, the U.S.
ignores poverty while rewarding violence. Anti-Aristidists gained
power (and will maintain it) at gunpoint. Similarly, pro-Aristidists,
who themselves maintained power through brutal repression, have every
reason to regain that power through violence. The people might want a
peaceful resolution, but until they see a viable path towards it,
they will continue fighting for survival; and as long as there's no
legal recourse, demagogues and thugs will exploit this lack of
direction for their personal gain. Arms proliferation is a festering
problem but, still, is only symptomatic of larger problems such as
hunger.

During his trip to Haiti, Powell said all the right things. He said
that the U.S. will remain engaged as long as is necessary. But even
as Powell worked hard to legitimize this new government, there were
signs that the U.S. position in Haiti is weakening. For example, the
new government is unwilling to arrest criminal elements within the
anti-Aristide camp. The government, however, seems to have little
difficulty arresting pro-Aristidists. The U.S. and its allies have
responded by taking their own action against the violent criminals:
since the government itself was unwilling to arrest the rebels, the
U.S. and French did it for them. This might enflame tensions and
provoke a violent response. It might be a show, demonstrating the
U.S.'s even-handedness or it might be the kind of behavior that
anti-Aristidists will tolerate for a short period of time in the
hopes of eventually grabbing the reins. In any case, it indicates
that the judicial system is as murky and partisan as ever. And a few
arrests by the U.S. won't change that.

Similarly, Powell's statement that his government does not support
the reconstitution of the Haitian army reflects the U.S.'s attempt to
cut ex-military/criminal elements out of the new ruling equation.
Powell wants to nix the massively destabilizing influence of a
resurgent military and avoid old, familiar scenarios of military
dictatorships. Powell correctly believes that Haiti needs to focus on
civilian institutions while building a well-trained and well-equipped
police force. Unfortunately, since February, the military has been
busy reconstituting itself. The rebellion and the march on
Port-au-Prince served this end nicely; the military has retrained
itself on the job. The north of the country is effectively under this
military rule — these men are also waiting patiently around the
capital. If the U.S. wanted to prevent the Haitian military from
re-forming, it should have flexed its muscles months ago. Now things
are just that much more complicated.

When asked for his personal message to the Haitian people, Powell
responded, "Have faith!" In the absence of concrete hopes or coherent
plans this is the best the U.S. has to offer.


About the Author

Avi Steinberg is a freelance writer living in Boston. After studying
American foreign policy at Harvard, he received a fellowship in
2002-3 to live in Jerusalem and study international conflict. He is
on staff at Transition Magazine.
.