21461: This Week in Haiti 22:06 04/21/2004 (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

"This Week in Haiti" is the English section of HAITI PROGRES
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                           HAITI PROGRES
              "Le journal qui offre une alternative"

                     * THIS WEEK IN HAITI *

                      April 21 - 27, 2004
                        Vol. 22, No. 6

WHILE TRYING TO SEND ARISTIDE BACK TO AFRICA
U.S. AND FRANCE THWART UN INVESTIGATION OF HAITI COUP

The U.S. and France are doing their best to scuttle the United
Nations investigation into the Feb. 29th overthrow and exile of
President Jean-Bertrand Aristide being demanded by Caribbean
nations, the Inter Press Service (IPS) disclosed Apr. 17.

IPS correspondent  Thalif Deen reported that "the two
veto-wielding permanent members of the 15-nation Security Council
have signaled to Caribbean nations that they do not want a U.N.
probe of Aristide's ouster."

Twice last month, the 15-nation CARICOM called for "an
investigation under the auspices of the United Nations" but have
not yet presented a formal request to the body.

''The reasons are obvious,'' the IPS quotes an anonymous
Caribbean diplomat as saying. ''We are under tremendous pressure
not to follow up on our request.''

This same pressure has been brought to bear on Jamaica, which has
granted Aristide sanctuary since he escaped on Mar. 14 from the
exile Washington and Paris devised for him in the Central African
Republic (see Haïti Progrès, Vol. 22, No. 1, 3/17/2004). Although
the Haitian president has been kept in a remote mountain-top
former mining colony under heavy guard, rigorous vetting of
visitors, and strict orders not to speak to the press, Washington
still wants him removed from the hemisphere immediately. U.S.
officials feel his mere presence some 200 miles from Haiti will
excite the very masses they say sent him packing.

At the very time two weeks ago that U.S. National Security
advisor Condoleeza Rice was snubbing calls to testify before the
special commission investigating the 9/11 World Trade Center
attacks, she was on the phone pressuring Jamaican Prime Minister
P.J. Patterson to get rid of Aristide and to reinforce his cage.

Under Washington's pressure, the Jamaican government could send
Aristide to South Africa any day now. The Jamaican government has
not consulted him about whether he wants to go there or about the
arrangements they have made, according to friends who have spoken
to him. Despite Jamaican press reports that he is "deciding where
to go and what to do," friends report that Aristide learned about
his imminent transfer from a BBC radio news report last Thursday.

On Apr. 13, he was able to receive a delegation of six lawyers
organized by the National Lawyers Guild (NLG). In a letter, the
delegation commended the Jamaican government for its "adherence
to fundamental legal principles in connection with the departure
of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide from Haiti on February 29,
2004" and for granting him asylum. The NLG delegation also urged
Patterson and CARICOM to "pursue vigorously an investigation at
the United Nations."

On April 5 , U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell said during a
one-day visit to Haiti that he didn't think "any purpose would be
served by an inquiry."

But the IPS quotes Francis Boyle, professor of international law
at the University of Illinois College of Law, as saying: "It is
clear that the United States and France violated the U.N. charter
as well as the 1973 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment
of Crimes Against Internationally Protected Persons, with respect
to their criminal treatment of President Aristide."

Meanwhile last week, on the anniversary of the failed 2002 coup
against him, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez reiterated his
condemnation of the coup in Haiti and his willingness to offer
Aristide asylum. Such a prospect will raise hackles in
Washington. Not only would Aristide remain in the Caribbean but
be based in a nation more willing and able to stand up to U.S.
bullying.

Then there is the sheer symbolism. Haiti, Latin America's first
independent nation, helped Simon Bolivar liberate the second,
Venezuela. If the current presidents of these two nations, both
targeted today by the U.S., join together to fight against
Washington's destabilization campaigns, the synergy of the
alliance will energize mass resistance far beyond their borders.

LEGAL DELEGATION PRODUCES SCATHING REPORT ON HAITI
(The second of two installments)

The first phase of the National Lawyers Guild's investigation
into the aftermath of the Feb. 29th coup in Haiti took place from
Mar. 29 to Apr. 5. Last week's installment described the tense
and confused situation in Port-au-Prince, the repression of
popular organizations, and the tension created by the U.S.
Marines and other occupying forces. We continue now with the
NLG's Summary Report, which was written by attorney Thomas
Griffin, a delegation member.



d.  The State Morgue in Port-au-Prince and Cadaver Disposal

-The Director refused the Delegation's request to view the
cadavers and to review the record books.

-Director admitted that "many" bodies have come into the morgue
since March 1, 2004, that are young men with their hands tied
behind their backs, plastic bags over their heads, that have been
shot.

-The Director insisted only 8 bodies were presently in the morgue
(3/31/04).

-Morgue workers, however, told us in confidence that 50 bodies
were then in the morgue.  They confirmed that many bodies
continue to come in that have hands tied behind their backs and
bags over their heads.

-The Director admitted that 800 bodies were "dumped and buried"
by morgue on Sunday, March 7, 2004, and another 200 bodies dumped
on Sunday, March 28, 2004.   The "usual" amount dumped is less
than 100 per month.  The bodies are taken to Titanyen, [a
desolate dump] north of the capital, and buried in a mass grave.

-There is usually a 22 day waiting period before a body is
dumped. However, due to what the Director claims is a "broken
motor" there has been no refrigeration since February 29, 2004.
Therefore, the morgue dumps bodies within 5-6 days.  The Director
gave no estimate of when the motor would be repaired.

-People are afraid to claim bodies of Lavalas members because of
fear of the Lavalas connection.

e.  The Bodies Dumped and Burned at Piste d'Aviation

-Several witnesses told the Delegation that 40 to 60 bodies were
brought in trucks to a field near the Piste d'Aviation, bordering
the Delmas 2 neighborhood of Port-au-Prince on Sunday March 22,
2004, along a road to the airport.

-On Monday March 23, 2004, the bodies were moved away from the
roadside to a more remote field and were burned.

-The Delegation observed the massive ash pile, and pigs eating
flesh of human bones that had not burned at Piste D'Aviation.
The Delegation photographed fresh skulls and other human bones,
some still tangled in clothes or with shoes and sneakers nearby.

-The fuel for the fire was misprinted Haitian currency.

f.  The Event at Lafanmi Selavi

-During the Delegation's interview of OP leaders on March 30,
2004, some had told us that they had seen four men bound, lying
face down, and shot dead in the back in front of Lafanmi Selavi,
an Aristide orphanage and school in the city shuttered since
February 29th.

-The Delegation immediately went to the site and found it closed
off and surrounded by police. The police insisted that no one had
been killed, and that the men were under arrest for trying to
steal a generator from the site. They did admit that shots were
fired at the men and one was hit and hospitalized.  The policeman
advised the Delegation to go to the local police station.

-Some blood was at the scene and a Delegation member found a
spent bullet.

-At the police station, the chief advised the Delegation that the
men were under arrest, but he could not say where they were being
held.

g.   The Haitian Human Rights Groups

-The Delegation spent time with the directors and legal staff of
CARLI (Comité des Avocats pour le Respect des Libertés
Individuelles) and NCHR (National Committee for Haitian Rights),
two well-known "human rights" organizations based in
Port-au-Prince.

-CARLI has an IFES (International Foundation for Election
Systems) and USAID-sponsored "Hotline" for victims of human
rights abuses. CARLI then publishes a list each month of the
names of the "abusers" using conclusion-filled language
condemning the person for the acts (typically murder and
attempted murder) and calling for their immediate arrest.

-There is no evidence that CARLI conducts any investigation
before condemning the named person. The person "condemned" to the
list is never contacted to answer to the allegations.

-CARLI insisted that it conducts a thorough investigation of each
of the 60 to 100 monthly calls and verifies all information
beyond a reasonable doubt before publicly condemning a person by
naming him/her,  CARLI has no full time staff, there are only two
lawyers at the office, and all are volunteers.

-The February list contained the names of approximately 85 human
rights violators against whom calls were made in February, and
their political affiliations.  All were Lavalas supporters or
HNP.

-Prior lists observed also contained only people named who are
deemed by the list to be Lavalas supporters.

-Completed "hotline" intake forms observed used terms such as "a
supporter of the dictator Aristide."

-CARLI leaflets issued to the public to publicize the "hotline"
are written in French, not Creole.

-CARLI insists that it will investigate cases involving Lavalas
victims, but admits that none have come forward.

-CARLI gives that list to the police, other government agencies,
USAID, and the U.S. Embassy, and other copies are distributed to
the public. The lists contains the name and party affiliation of
the condemned, but does not contain their home addresses.

-CARLI was asked if it would consider ceasing the publication of
the "list" because it was forcing innocent people into hiding and
to fear for their lives, preventing people from returning to
their jobs and schools, and, as a non-judicial forum, was
creating the possibility of extra-judicial execution squads, and
non-judicial arrest warrants. CARLI refused.

-The Delegation met with people who are now in hiding because
their names appear on the CARLI list. All deny being involved in
any human rights abuses, and insist that the list exists to serve
the political ends of the opposition and to instill fear.

-NCHR is a well-funded and equipped "human rights" agency that
purports to take all cases, regardless of political affiliation.

-NCHR however, could not name a single case in which a Lavalas
supporter was a victim.

-NCHR took the delegation into a large meeting room where the
wall was adorned with a large "wanted" poster featuring Aristide
and his cabinet, in small photos, across the top. It named
Aristide a "dictator" guilty of human rights abuses. Among a long
list of other charges, it condemned him for the murder of John
Dominique and included a large photo of Dominique's dead body.
The poster calls for the arrest and imprisonment of Aristide and
his associates.

-The Delegation suggested that NCHR's neutrality and
inclusiveness might be better expressed with additional posters
condemning, for example, FRAPH [Revolutionary Front for
Advancement and Progress in Haiti], Jodel Chamblain, Jean
"Tatoune" Baptiste, Ti Kenley, etc.  While the Director and the
staff acknowledged the existence of all of those named, they
laughed at the suggestion of adding other wanted posters to the
office.

-The Delegation noted that many of the newsletters, "open
letters," and advisories available in the NCHR waiting room refer
to Aristide as a "dictator" and that none of them concern abuses
against supporters of the elected government or Lavalas.

-NCHR was asked if they would investigate the 1000 bodies dumped
and buried by the morgue during the last few weeks at Titanyen,
and the alleged malfunctioning of the refrigeration at the
morgue.  The director and his staff denied ever knowing about
these events, laughed, and said none of it was true.

-NCHR was asked if it would investigate the dumped bodies at
Piste d'Aviation. The director and his staff laughed and denied
that it was true. The Delegation then showed NCHR the photographs
we had taken of the ashes and fresh human skeletons. In response,
the NCHR director told us that the General Hospital routinely
dumps bodies at the Piste d'Aviation.

II.   THE SITUATION IN PETIT GO VE AND GRAND GO VE

-The Delegation observed and photographed many homes in Petit
Goƒve that have been destroyed by arson since February 29, 2004.
All homes were owned or occupied by Lavalas associated families.
All the occupants have fled to the mountains, including many
women and children.

-Destroyed houses include those of a national congress deputy,
and local elected political and civic leaders, and student
leaders. The houses of family members, including grandparents,
uncles, and aunts were also burned.

-The Delegation interviewed several Lavalas associated OP
leaders, and a national legislative deputy that are in hiding
since their houses were destroyed.

-There are no police in Petit Goâve as all have fled. Security in
the town is run by a man named "Ti Kenley." He and his gang are
responsible for multiple murders and house burnings.   The
Delegation was informed that Ti Kenley had burned more Lavalas
houses on April 1, 2004, in retaliation for the Delegation's
investigation, which included interviews with many residents and
the photographing of burned houses the previous day.

-There are no police in Grand Goâve, all having abandoned their
posts. The security is provided by a small band of young men
taking orders from former militaries. The Delegation observed the
band traveling in a SUV adorned with "FADH" (the Haitian Army
acronym) painted on each side. The gang was interviewed and
insisted that it had no weapons and none were observed. The gang
said it receives no money for its services. It denies making
arrests or committing executions.

III.   THE SITUATION IN LE CAYES

-Just prior to February 29, 2004, the police abandoned their
post.

-The security void was filled by a 30 year-old called "Ti Gary"
and his band of seven deputies and 22 enforcers. Ti Gary is a
well-known militant opponent of Lavalas who had been at street
war with Lavalas supporters for several years.

-Ti Gary was interviewed by the Delegation and admitted to
committing at least 5 public executions of thieves during the
month of March. He said he had to execute because the police were
not functioning. Ti Gary stated that he committed executions
regardless of the victim's political affiliations.

-During the interview of Ti Gary, he was nursing a massive
gunshot wound to his left leg inflicted by a Guy Philippe deputy.
According to Ti Gary, a Guy Philippe commando, "Captain
Belizaire," threatened him with a gun to his head on March 15,
2004, for refusing Guy Philippe's orders to go into the La
Savanne  neighborhood and kill Lavalas supporters. Philippe's
"Commandante Toussaint" saved Ti Gary's life by ordering that he
only be shot in the leg.

-In Ti Gary's wake, some police have returned to their post.
However, the former militaries have returned, in uniform, and
have visibly subordinated the police.

-The Delegation interviewed militaries who believe their role is
to provide security for the community. The police appear to have
grudgingly accepted the militaries into their post and patrols,
saying they have no other choice and that they will soon be
integrated into the police force anyway.

-The Chief Inspector of the police denied knowing "Ti Gary" or
where he could be found.  They admitted that gangs had been
carrying out executions.

-The police admitted that they had not undertaken any
investigation of armed gangs and no related arrest warrants had
been issued.

-The police admitted that Guy Philippe was in Le Cayes on
Saturday, April 3, 2004. They said they had no intention to
arrest him, despite his carrying illegal weapons, because "He is
fighting on our side."

All articles copyrighted Haiti Progres, Inc. REPRINTS ENCOURAGED.
Please credit Haiti Progres.

                               -30-