21822: Re: Esser: Haiti Human Rights Report (2)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

> From: D. Esser torx@joimail.com
>
> Haiti Reborn
> http://www.haitireborn.org
>
> Haiti Human Rights Report
> from Let Haiti Live: Coalition for a Just U.S. Policy
>
> Volume 1, Edition 1/April 30, 2004
>
> Introduction to the Report
>
> The human rights situation in Haiti is complex and evolving, with
> many groups bearing responsibility for and falling victim to
> violations. It is clear, however, that widespread human rights
> violations have occurred since the removal of the elected government
> from office on February 29, 2004. The Haiti Human Rights Report, a
> weekly update on the situation of human rights in Haiti, has as its
> purpose to provide reliable, current information on the situation on
> the ground. The availability of high quality information is
> circumscribed by high levels of insecurity, continuing repression,
> constraints on communication, and a limited presence of human rights
> workers on the ground; however, greater information allowing for a
> more complete assessment of the human rights situation will be
> included in the weekly reports as it becomes available. The report is
> not a political publication and material of a political nature will
> only be included insomuch as it is directly related to human rights.
> The first edition of the report focuses on human rights violations
> against civilians that have been documented since February 29.
> Subsequent editions will explore other areas of concern in greater
> detail and will provide greater information on areas outside of
> Port-au-Prince as it becomes available.
>
> An Overview of Human Rights Threats
>
> On February 29, 2004, a three-week long insurrection resulted in the
> removal from office of elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide.
> Leaders of the insurrection included Jean “Tatoune” Baptiste and
> Louis Jodel Chamblain, both convicted in 2000 for their role in the
> 1994 Raboteau Massacre as leaders of FRAPH (Front for the Advancement
> and Progress of Haiti) and other plotters of former coups including
> Guy Philippe. During their insurrection, rebels liberated all of the
> approximately 2,000 prisoners throughout the country; some released
> prisoners joined the armed movement against the elected government.
> According to Amnesty International, groups and individuals posing a
> threat to human rights include Chamblain, Tatoune, and others who
> were engaged in human rights violations during the 1991-94 coup
> d’état; released prisoners, armed gangs from across the political
> spectrum, former soldiers and paramilitaries, and former police
> officers and section chiefs, who are known to have committed serious
> abuses of human rights in the past. Amnesty noted with alarm that,
> “Members of the abolished Haitian Armed Forces and former paramilitary
> leaders convicted of past human rights violations are emerging as new
> actors in Haiti's political scene and have taken control, especially
> in areas where state authority is weak or absent” (Amnesty, April 8,
> www.amnesty.org).
>
> Reports from Around the Country
>
> Human rights groups have been especially limited in their ability to
> travel outside of the capital, particularly to the rebel-controlled
> North, and to investigate specific claims of abuses. More reports
> will be made available as the situation permits individuals to travel
> outside of the capital and to conduct further investigative work.
>
> Raboteau Judge Brutally Assaulted
> Judge Napela Saintil, the judge who presided over the Raboteau
> Massacre trial in 2000 was severely beaten on March 30 in his home by
> heavily armed individuals. He had been receiving daily death threats
> from unidentified individuals who criticized him for his role in the
> trial during which rebel Louis Jodel Chamblain was convicted in
> absentia (InterPress Service). Homes of victims of the massacre have
> been burned and many are now in hiding.
>
> Lafanmi Selavi Incident
>
> Members of a human rights delegation from the National Lawyers Guild
> (NLG) were told by some grassroots leaders on March 30, 2004 that
> they had seen ìfour men bound, lying face down, and shot dead in the
> back in front of Lafanmi Selavi, an orphanage and school founded by
> President Aristide in Port-au-Prince shuttered since February 29î,
> (NLG). Immediately after, the delegation went to the site of the
> alleged incident and found it closed off and surrounded by police.
> The police insisted that no one had been killed and that the men were
> under arrest for trying to steal a generator from the site. They did
> admit that shots were fired at the men and one was hit and
> hospitalized. The policeman advised the delegation to go to the local
> police station. Some blood was found at the site and a delegation
> member found a spent bullet. The chief at the police station informed
> the delegation that the men were under arrest but would not state
> where they were being held (National Lawyers Guild Report, April
> 2004, www.nlg.org).
>
> Amnesty International Reports from Port-au-Prince
>
> Amnesty International reported that that the driver of a former
> Lavalas deputy died on April 4 after being attacked in Martissant
> area of Port-au-Prince. The assailants have since visited his home to
> look for his wife and threatened to kill her and burned down the
> house. She is now in hiding. Amnesty also reported that two members
> of the grassroots organization KOMIREP were kidnapped in Martissant
> on April 4 and their whereabouts are still unknown. Amnesty also
> spoke with a young woman who was being threatened by a police officer
> accused of gang-raping her in November 2003 that has recently been
> released from prison. Threats have also been received by the
> organizations supporting her (Amnesty, April 8).
>
> Cadaver Disposal in Port-au-Prince
>
> During its investigation, the NLG Delegation visited the State Morgue
> in Port-au-Prince. When questioned, the director of the morgue
> refused the delegation’s request to view the cadavers and to review
> the record books. He did, however, admit that “many” of the several
> bodies brought into the morgue are those of young men who had been
> shot with their hands tied behind their backs and plastic bags over
> their heads. The director insisted that only 8 bodies were in the
> morgue, but morgue workers later told the delegation in confidence
> that there were over 50 bodies in the morgue and that many bodies
> were continuing to come in with their hands behind their back and
> bags over their heads (3/31/04).
>
> The director did admit that on Sunday, March 7, 2004, 800 bodies were
> “dumped and buried” by the morgue and another 200 bodies were dumped
> on Sunday, March 28, 2004. He estimated that the average number
> dumped is less than 100 per month. The bodies dumped are those that
> have not been claimed by relatives because they can not afford to pay
> for a funeral or are afraid to claim the body. The normal waiting
> period for bodies is 22 days, but the Director claimed that the
> morgue was dumping bodies within 5-6 days because of a problem with
> the refrigeration system at the facility. The delegation heard many
> reports that relatives were afraid to claim bodies of Lavalas members
> for fear of being identified as having a Lavalas connection.
>
> Reports of Cadavers Burned at Piste D’Aviation
>
> The NLG Delegation also investigated reports from several witnesses
> that 40 to 60 bodies had been brought in trucks to a field near Piste
> D’Aviation, bordering the Delmas 2 neighborhood of Port-au-Prince on
> Sunday March 22, 2004, along a road to the airport.
>
> On Monday March 23, 2004, the bodies were reported to have been moved
> away from the roadside to a more remote field and were burned. The
> delegation observed the massive ash pile and pigs eating flesh of
> human bones that had not burned. The group photographed fresh skulls
> and other human bones, some still tangled in clothes or with shoes
> and sneakers nearby. The delegation observed that the fuel for the
> fire was misprinted Haitian currency.
>
> Reports from the Central Plateau
>
> Many reports of human rights violations have emerged from the Central
> Plateau. The Plate-forme des Organisations Haïtiennes des Droits
> Humains (POHDH) reported that the population of Savanette had
> suffered from numerous abuses committed by armed civilians and former
> soldiers acting arbitrarily as law enforcers. (AlterPresse). The
> Associated Press and Reuters reported on April 26 that armed groups
> believed to be under the command of former Haitian Army Master
> Sergeant Joseph Jean-Baptiste burned town two police stations before
> Chilean troops arrived to secure the city. Reuters also reported that
> the headquarters of Fanmi Lavalas in Hinche was burned down by the
> rebels.
>
> Continuing Repression in Petit Goave and Grand Goave
>
> The NLG Delegation observed and photographed many homes in Petit
> Goave that were destroyed by arson after February 29. All of the
> homes that had been burned were owned or occupied with families
> associated with Lavalas. Their occupants had fled to the mountains.
> Houses destroyed included those of a member of the House of Deputies,
> local elected political and civil leaders, and student leaders. The
> homes of family members of these groups were also burned. As of the
> delegation's visit, there were no police in Petit Goave and the town
> was being run by a man named "Ti Kenley." The delegation was later
> informed that more Lavalas homes had been burned on April 1 in
> retaliation for the delegation's investigation the previous day.
>
> In Grand Goave, the delegation also found that there were no police
> officers. The town was being controlled by a group of men receiving
> orders from former members of the military. The men were observed
> riding in a vehicle with "FADH," the acronym for the Haitian army, on
> its side. An April 19 news article stated that the systematic
> repression against Fanmi Lavalas militants was continuing. Many
> Lavalas party members have taken refuge in Port-au-Prince and
> teachers, lawyers, and other professionals were reported to be in
> hiding (Agence Haitienne de Presse).
>
> Les Cayes
>
> The NLG visited Les Cayes and found that the town was being
> controlled by "Ti Gary," a militant opponent of Lavalas. In an
> interview with the delegation, Ti Gary admitted to having committed
> at least 5 public executions of thieves during the month of March. He
> cited the lack of a functioning police as his justification for the
> executions. Some of the police from the town had returned to their
> posts but they were subordinated to uniformed former military
> officers who had also returned.
>
> Cap-Haitien
>
> The Miami Herald reported on April 11 that despite the present of
> French troops, the rebels remain a powerful force. The rebels still
> held the main police station and as of April 11, had not asked the
> rebels to leave. There have been many reports of more than 20 Lavalas
> members being placed in a container and drowned at sea (Miami Herald,
> April 11).
>
> Port-de-Paix
>
> As of April 11, Port-de-Paix remained controlled by about 40 rebels
> who admitted to targeting Aristide supporters in interviews with a
> foreign journalist. The journalist reported that rebels have been
> patrolling the streets and arresting and jailing criminals. One rebel
> was quoted as saying that the main objective of the rebels was to
> find Aristide supporters and put them in jail. The rebels stated that
> most Aristide supporters in the city had fled or had been killed in
> the uprising (Ottey, Miami Herald, April 11).
>
> Human Rights Violations against Civilian Groups: An Ongoing Crisis
>
> Extensive evidence exists that since the departure of the elected
> government from office on February 29, 2004, numerous violations of
> the human rights of the civilian population have occurred. Violations
> are numerous and cannot be attributed to a single group of actors;
> however, some trends have emerged from investigations conducted in
> March and April.
>
> Delegations from Amnesty International, the National Lawyers Guild,
> and the Quixote Center have reported independently on a systematic
> campaign of repression against the civilian population. These groups
> each found extensive evidence indicating that many of the victims of
> threats and violence are supporters of the elected government of
> President Aristide, members of the Fanmi Lavalas political party,
> elected or appointed officials in the organization or Lavalas party,
> employees of the government, or
> members of popular, grassroots organizations. Leaders of many
> popular, or grassroots, organizations have been killed or threatened
> and many are in hiding (For a full copy of the Quixote Center
> Emergency Observation Mission Report, see www.haitireborn.org).
>
> During its investigation, the NLG Delegation met with several members
> of popular organizations, none of whom were living at home. All were
> in hiding many knew others who had been killed or who had
> disappeared. Investigators found that persons from areas outside of
> the capital were in hiding in Port-au-Prince and had not seen their
> families since March 1, 2004. Others from the capital had gone into
> hiding in the mountains, taking spouses and children with them.
> According to the persons interviewed, former
> militaries and supporters of the political opposition to the elected
> government continue to visit the homes of popular organization
> leaders that have not been burned to keep them from coming home and
> to intimidate neighbors. Many grassroots leaders have had their homes
> destroyed by arson. The majority of the arsons occurred in the first
> week of March, but continued during the NLG delegation. The threats
> have been carried out by former militaries and FRAPH members as well
> as other supporters of the former political opposition (NLG). These
> reports were corroborated by Amnesty International, which heard
> reports that several escaped prisoners were working with the Haitian
> Police and the multinational interim forces to identify Lavalas
> members in poor neighborhoods (Amnesty, April 8). As part of the
> campaign of terror, radio stations call the names of people who have
> been “blacklisted” each day at 4pm. These individuals must then go
> into hiding or face arrest or executions. One grassroots organization
> interviewed by the Observation Mission provided a copy of one of the
> daily lists of names, with markings next to the names of those who
> had already disappeared.
>
> During its stay in Haiti, the Quixote Center Observation Mission
> spoke with many members of popular organizations, the large majority
> of whom were still in hiding. Individuals interviewed expressed a
> sense of fear for their lives and described incidents that they had
> either witnessed or had heard described. Please note that the
> following accounts are unverified:
>
> In Carrefour, about thirty [Lavalas] members disappeared. In
> Cap-Haitien, they dropped Lavalas members into a hole and killed
> them. In Port-au-Prince, young militants were killed and buried in
> the city because they were part of Lavalas. We are in
> hiding. There are graver cases than what you see here today, but they
> couldnít come and are in hiding. (journalist and member of a popular
> organization)
>
> The Haitian people have been hit hard. Those of us from Bel Air, we
> are prey for former soldiers and police. We easily can be picked up
> by press who work for opposition. The press is used to call names of
> those to be killed. Example: on 3/12, during the night the white men
> surrounded the area and killed many people. Two bodies were taken by
> those hiding and watching. One was born in 1974, so both these men
> were young men and now both are dead.
>
> They put a bag over your head and you're gone. 2004 is worse that
> 1991 because there are a lot of different factions killing people ñ
> former military, FRAPH, most of the foreign militaries in this
> country are killing people. In the Central Plateau: when they arrest
> Lavalas supporters, they dig a hole, put dry leaves in the hole, and
> then burn him alive. Former military take away the bodies after they
> kill people, or from the hospital, and you never see it. I was hit in
> the head by a revolver. They beat me so much that even today I can't
> hear well. I never know when they'll pick me up. Once they do, I'm
> dead. They know us [Sept 30 members] very well, they're looking for
> us hard and fast and we are all in hiding.
>
> People are dying. Everyday in Carrefour, they are finding bodies
> everywhere.
>
> What is happening in the provinces: people can't meet, they kidnap or
> arrest them. Hospitals have been closed, so if you are shot on the
> street, you can't get treatment. I haven't seen my 2 kids. Former
> military are in Bel Air on a rampage. Since we can't get clear
> communication but learned they arrested [a member of our
> organization] and other supporters, these are kidnappings.
>
>
> I am sorry I am the only one here but a lot of my colleagues are in
> hiding or dead.
>
> A common theme expressed by those interviewed by the mission was the
> parallels that existed between atrocities perpetrated during the
> 1991-1994 coup d’état and those currently being perpetrated. Many
> members of the grassroots organizations were victims of human rights
> violations during this period and expressed a feeling of increased
> vulnerability because of their political involvement in the years
> that followed. Individuals noted repeatedly that former members of
> the same groups, including the Haitian army and the paramilitary
> group FRAPH that had been responsible for violations during the 1991
> coup period were again carrying out violations.
>
> Many of our sons were forced to rape us by FRAPH. Some of us have
> babies from former FRAPH members. I was raped at 7 months pregnant
> and my friend who was traumatized by seeing this is now paralyzed on
> one side of her body. This time it’s worse because back then we had
> human rights groups to help us; now we don’t even have that. Those
> who raped us before are now forcing us into hiding again (member of a
> group of rape victims from the 1991-í94 coup d’état).
>
> We have been victimized many times because we are ones who fight and
> speak out. All of us women here had a petition sent around the
> country to remove the military. Now we have to hide. It took a lot
> for us to come here today. Everyone knows us and is looking for us.
> They are looking for all members of [our organization]. We have to
> move around constantly (member of a group of rape victims from the
> 1991-í94 coup d’etat).
>
> Our situation is difficult was since Aristide was removed, we are
> threatened and forced to hide. Several students have disappeared. I
> live near the former Army members and don’t really have the human
> rights organization to turn to because they are bought off.... We
> can’t go to school or the press, we must hide and have to carry ID so
> if we are killed you can identify us. Even our parents are kicking us
> out because of fear. In Carrefour, we stand there with our two hands
> and don’t know what to do.
>
> The Multinational Interim Force and Human Rights Concerns
> The stated mission of the Multinational Interim Force is to “restore
> security” in the country; however, some reports suggest that the
> presence of the forces has not only reduced insecurity but in many
> has cases contributed to it. A 3,600 member multinational force is
> present in the country; however, its activities have been limited
> geographically and many areas of the country remain under rebel
> control.
>
> Many persons interviewed by the Observation Mission stated that they
> did not feel that the presence of the Multinational Interim Force was
> contributing to their security. There are confirmed reports of U.S.
> Marines shooting Haitians who failed to stop at security checkpoints,
> which has been attributed by some to communication difficulties.
> Conrad Tribble of the U.S. Embassy offered an example of one
> incident: “In front of the Teleco building last week they shot a car
> because it was driving high speed towards the checkpoint. It could
> have been a communication problem.” The team reported hearing stories
> of individuals from both pro-Aristide groups and the former political
> opposition being shot by troops because of a failure of communication.
>
> Delegations heard reports of many more killings than those which are
> attributable to communication errors. Many described operations where
> the Marines were working together with groups persecuting members of
> Lavalas. The delegation also raised questions about the
> constitutionality of actions by Marines, including arrests and home
> searches. Organizations from different sides of the political debate
> interviewed by the Observation Mission acknowledged hearing reports
> that the U.S. Marines have killed many more people in the
> neighborhood of Bel Air, an area known for its strong support of
> President Aristide. Anne Hastings, Executive Director of FONKOZE,
> informed the group that her employees had told her that the American
> troops “have killed far more than the six people reported in the
> press. Many, many more.” Camille Chalmers, Secretary General of the
> Haitian Platform to Advocate for an Alternative Development (PAPDA),
> also said that he had heard “that sixty people died in one day in Bel
> Air,” adding that “the multinational forces cannot provide security.
> They increase insecurity with their tanks and their missiles.” A
> representative from Lavalas interviewed by the mission claimed that,
> The Marines have a list and are looking for party members. We can
> interview at least fifty parents in Bel Air whose children have been
> taken by Marines.” His statements were echoed by many others
> interviewed by the group.
>
> These claims have yet to be investigated further. Human rights
> organizations visited by the delegations have thus far indicated an
> unwillingness to investigate the events, citing political differences
> as their reason for not having access to neighborhoods where these
> events have occurred. When the LHL Mission asked Conrad Tribble of
> the U.S. whether he would be willing to suggest a small-scale
> investigation into the rumors of what happened in Bel Air, he stated
> that, “There is nothing to investigate.”
>
> The Interim Haitian government has thus far shown an alarming lack of
> commitment to the protection of the human rights of civilians. In a
> March 19 address in Gonaives, Interim Prime Minister Gérard Latortue
> praised rebels, including Tatoune and Chamblain as “freedom
> fighters,” stating that in the United States, ìThey thought the
> people in Gonaives were thugs and bandits, but they are freedom
> fighters" (Reuters). The government has not yet acted to arrest
> convicted criminals involved in abuses from the last coup d’état or
> return all prisoners to jail. Amnesty International and Human Rights
> Watch alike have criticized the interim government for what they
> describe as “one-sided justice.” Although Latortue has denied that
> partisans of Fanmi Lavalas are being persecuted, he reasserted the
> determination of his government to fight those he labels “chimère.”
> He is reported as having said that his priority is arresting the
> “chimère,” rather than convicted rights violators still at large. He
> stated that the government will not direct its attention to the cases
> of convicted violators until this task has been completed (AHP, April
> 19).
>
> A Critical Examination of the Human Rights Response
>
> A theme to emerge from conversations with people who had been victims
> of serious human rights violations in the past and whose lives were
> most in danger was the sentiment that human rights organizations were
> not acting to protect the rights of all Haitians. Many people from
> grassroots organizations being targeted in the campaign of terror and
> whose names have been read on the radio expressed their feeling that
> they have no human rights organizations to which to turn. One person
> stated, “These systematic human rights violations have been happening
> since February 29 and human rights organizations haven’t said
> anything.” Another added, “I have no human rights organization to
> turn to.” Many interviewed by the delegations emphasized that human
> rights organizations had not only failed to assist victims but had
> instead contributed to the climate of terror existing in the country.
>
> Conrad Tribble from the U.S. Embassy assured the Observation Mission
> that “there are very active Haitian human rights organizations funded
> by the U.S. to deal with abuses on both sides of the spectrum.”
> Haitians from both sides of the spectrum challenged his statement,
> insisting that an unrecognized human rights crisis was occurring in
> the country. Camille Chalmers of PAPDA, an organization that publicly
> called for the resignation of Aristide, stated, “Human rights
> organizations here must document what is happening. The reprisals and
> tortures from those criminals and international forces.”
>
> Le Comité des Avocats pour le Respect des Libertés Individuelles (CARLI)
> The NLG Delegation met with two human rights organizations to
> understand the role that they were playing in responding to the human
> rights crisis. The Comité des Avocats pour le Respect des Libertés
> Individuelles (CARLI) maintains an International
> Foundation for Election Systems (IFES) and USAID-sponsored telephone
> “hotline” for victims of human rights abuses. CARLI then publishes a
> list each month of the names of alleged “abusers” using conclusory
> language condemning the person for their crimes, which are typically
> murder and calling for their immediate arrest. The delegation found
> no evidence that CARLI conducts any investigation before condemning
> the named person, and the person “condemned” to the list is never
> contacted to respond to the allegations. Although CARLI insisted that
> it conducts a thorough investigation of the 60 to 100 monthly calls
> it receives and verifies beyond a reasonable doubt the accusations
> before naming the condemned, the organization has no full-time staff,
> there are only two lawyers at the office, and all are volunteers
> (NLG).
>
> CARLI’s February list contained the names of approximately 85 people
> against whom calls were made in February and their political
> affiliations. All were Lavalas supporters or police. Prior lists
> observed by the delegation also contained only people named who are
> deemed by the list to be Lavalas supporters. Completed “hotline’
> intake forms observed used terms such as “a supporter of the dictator
> Aristide.” CARLI leaflets issued to the public to publicize the
> “hotline” are written in French, not Creole. More than two-thirds of
> Haiti’s people do not speak or read French. CARLI insists that it
> will investigate cases involving Lavalas victims, but admits that
> none have come forward.
>
> CARLI gives that list to the police, other government agencies,
> USAID, and the U.S. Embassy, and other copies are distributed to the
> public. Names from the lists have been read on the radio as part of
> daily announcements of individuals accused of crimes. The NLG
> Delegation met with people who are now in hiding because their names
> appear on the CARLI list. All deny being involved in any human rights
> abuses, and insist that the list exists to serve the political ends
> of the opposition to the elected government and to instill fear.
>
> The observation mission met with a student leader who had gone into
> hiding after his name was read on the radio. Frantz Elie Legros, a
> student from Carrefour, was included in a weekly list of alleged
> human rights abusers compiled by the CARLI hotline.
> Pamela Callen, deputy director of the U.S. Agency for International
> Development, explained that the CARLI hotline is supported by her
> agency. Unknown accusers called the hotline and claimed Legros was
> handing out weapons in Kafou. It was this charge that put him into
> hiding initially. According to the Haitian Press Agency, CARLI issues
> a list to the press each week of all those accused by anonymous
> callers to their hotline. Essentially, this hotline is a key part of
> the terror campaign (LHL).
>
> It has been reported that Radio Caraibes repeatedly informed the
> public that Legros was being held at the Faculty and asked that the
> police go there to arrest him. This is an incitation to violence, and
> other students from the other parts of the university campus went to
> join those waiting for Legros at the Law Faculty. Recent reports note
> that Legros is still facing difficulties. There are reports of other
> similar incidents where radio announcers have served as informants
> for groups carrying out executions and political arrests.
>
> National Coalition for Haitian Rights (NCHR)
> The National Coalition for Haitian Rights (NCHR) is a well-funded
> human rights organization with independent offices in Port-au-Prince
> and New York City. The organization purports to be a neutral human
> rights group and to take all cases regardless of political
> affiliation. The Emergency Observation Mission and National Lawyers
> Guild Delegation met separately with staff from NCHR.
>
> When asked by the NLG Delegation if they would investigate 1000
> bodies dumped and burned by the morgue over the last few weeks at the
> burial site Titanyen, the director of NCHR denied knowing about these
> events and dismissed them as untrue (NLG).
>
> NCHR also denied claims about dumped bodies at Piste D’Aviation. When
> shown photographs taking of ashes and fresh human skeletons, the
> director of NCHR informed the delegation that the General Hospital
> regularly dumps bodies at the site.
>
> The delegation also noted that while the organization had posters
> accusing Aristide and members of his government of human rights
> violations and calling for their arrest and imprisonment, there were
> no similar posters calling for the arrest of convicted human rights
> violators including Louis Jodel Chamblain and Jean “Tatoune”
> Baptiste. NCHR has acknowledged the threat posed by these individuals
> but dismissed the suggestion of creating other wanted posters.
>
> NCHR characterized the human rights situation in the country as follows:
> Since the change in governments, NCHR and POHDH have recorded a
> decrease in the number of human rights abuses and common law
> violations being reported. This is not to say that violations in both
> senses are not still occurring, but rather that the cases are more
> isolated than before. (“Boniface-Latortue: The First 45 Days” April
> 15, 2004, http://www.nchrhaiti.org/article.php3?id_article=161). This
> statement stands in stark contrast to reports made by delegations who
> during their short stays, discovered significant evidence of an
> increase in human rights abuses.
>
> NCHR made the following statement regarding the arrest and
> prosecution of Lavalas members:
> It is important not to consider the arrest and prosecution of members
> and/or supporters of the Lavalas party who have been implicated in
> human rights violations and/or infractions of the law as political
> persecution. Those who break the law and/or commit serious human
> rights violations must be brought to justice, regardless of one's
> political affiliation (NCHR Press Conference).
>
> While the arrest and prosecution of all individuals who have
> committed crimes is necessary to bringing an end to impunity in
> Haiti, the circumstances surrounding these arrests warrants further
> investigation. During its visit to Haiti, Amnesty International
> questioned Marines guarding prisoners about the legal context of the
> arrests of Lavalas members being held. Amnesty found that Marines
> were unable to provide an adequate response to these inquires
> (Amnesty, April 8). The activities of CARLI and other groups suggest
> a need to investigate further the constitutionality of arrests being
> made.
>
> The Haiti Human Rights Report is a publication of the Let Haiti Live
> Coalition. The purpose of the report is to disseminate information on
> the human rights situation in Haiti. It is not meant as an exhaustive
> catalog of all human rights violations occurring in Haiti.
> Submissions, subscription requests, comments, and requests for
> verification of materials may be sent to haitihumanrights@yahoo.com.
> Submissions will be reviewed for authenticity and investigated for
> corroborating evidence before being published in the report. The
> editor reserves the right to make final decisions on materials
> included in the report. For more information about the Let Haiti Live
> Coalition, visit www.haitireborn.org or email
> melinda@haitireborn.org.
> .




-------------------------------------------------
WBAI--99.5 FM in New York---Peace and Justice Radio
On the Web at http://www.wbai.org.