21976: erzilidanto: Haiti Update XI: Rebuilding (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: Erzilidanto@aol.com

Africana

http://www.africana.com


May 19, 2004


Haiti Update XI: Rebuilding


Haiti's problems extend beyond race politics. They are essentially

socio-economic.

By Avi Steinberg


In both the cities and the countryside, this is a bad season for

Haiti's poorest. As already horrible conditions worsen, Haitian

interim Prime Minister Gérard Latortue has been busy traveling to the

United States and then to France, carrying this message: Haiti needs

funds quickly. The US pledged $40 million in addition to the $55

million it has already promised; France will pitch in less than that.

All of this followed by an historic visit by France.


Of course, race alone does not account for Haiti's turmoil — but it

is an essential element in the mix. The question of how this money

will be allocated remains open. The US has decided to meet with

wealthy businesspeople from South Florida's Haitian community to

discuss how best to spend this money. This is the first time the US

has actually asked these people what their country's needs are. While

this is a step in the right direction, it is not enough. The

recommendations of Haiti's wealthy class of — let's remember that

Latortue himself is a member of this Florida community — are

essential to the rebuilding of the country, but ultimately mostly

self-serving. The people who need the most help are the majority of

the country, the impoverished and starving masses. Their concerns are

being ignored and their representatives — the Lavalas Party are being

silenced.


This Tuesday, a large Lavalas demonstration is planned. The size of

the demonstration will reflect, not how much popular support remains

for the party, but how much the populace feels free to express its

support for Lavalas. The current government campaign of arresting

Lavalas people, a campaign that has intensified in the days leading

up to the demonstration — is intended to strike fear in the hearts of

Haiti's impoverished majority; it is aimed to keep people off the

streets. If this week the peoples' anger, frustration and hunger

don't outweigh their fear of government reprisals, next week or next

month or next year it will. In the meantime, Latortue can count on

foreign troops for cover — but he knows this is only temporary.


During his trip to the US, Latortue chided black Americans for their

vociferous criticism of him and for their pledges of support for

Aristide. He accused these critics of placing US "black power"

interests over the interests of Haiti. This claim is remarkable in

that it completely denies the existence of Haiti's racialized

politics, characterizing this reality as some self-serving

African-American myth. Even if he thinks it so, a majority of his own

country would disagree with him. So who's making self-serving claims?


But Latortue is correct that Haiti's problems extend beyond race

politics. They are essentially socio-economic. It is his refusal — or

worse, his inability — to understand the nexus between race, politics

and poverty in Haiti that raises serious concerns about his ability

to lead Haiti. In the absence of this type of understanding, Latortue

does exactly what he accuses his critics of doing: he makes race

alone the issue. Of course, race alone does not account for Haiti's

turmoil — but it is an essential element in the mix. Regardless of

his problems, Aristide understood this dynamic much better than

Latortue and spoke in a language that made sense to majority of the

population.


While the Haitian refugee crisis in Jamaica worsens at least one

refugee in Jamaica will find a new home. South Africa has given the

green light for deposed President Aristide to take up residence

within its borders. Critics within South Africa opposed this decision

on the grounds that South Africa of all places should not grant

asylum to a known human rights abuser. But South Africa's recently

reelected government has rejected these arguments and will soon

welcome Aristide. Aristide's presence in South Africa will

undoubtedly raise the profile of his continued struggle and will help

establish him as the victimized black leader of the oppressed who

stood up and continues to stand up to the world's white imperialist

bullies (and their wealthy lackeys in Haiti).


As usual in politics, there are elements of truth to this

characterization and, at the same time, there are a number of

not-quite-truths. But what cannot be denied is that a vast underclass

of Haiti is groaning under the oppression of poverty and that these

people looked to Aristide because he spoke their language and, in

some sense, looked like them. This isn't a fabrication of race

warriors in the US and South Africa — it is the experience of

millions of Haitians. Latortue ignores this experience at his own

peril.



About the Author


Avi Steinberg is a freelance writer living in Boston. After studying

American foreign policy at Harvard, he received a fellowship in

2002-3 to live in Jerusalem and study international conflict. He is

on staff at Transition Magazine.

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Forwarded by the Haitian Lawyers Leadership
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"Men anpil chaj pa lou"  is Kreyol for - "Many hands make light a heavy load."

See, The Haitian Leadership Networks'  7 "men anpil chaj pa

lou" campaigns to help restore Haiti's independence, the will of the mass
electorate and the rule of law. See,
http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/haitianlawyers.html ; http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/concerns.html

and Haitiaction.net

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