22083: Esser: Haiti's Return to the Future - The Repression of Dissent (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: D. Esser torx@joimail.com

CounterPunch
http://www.counterpunch.org

April 26 , 2004

Haiti's Return to the Future
The Repression of Dissent

By LUCSON PIERRE-CHARLES

The stance of the political parties throughout the crisis that led to
the ouster of president Jean-Bertrand Aristide was a constant
reminder for the lack of democratic norms and traditions that has
characterized Haiti over the last two centuries. Simply put, there
has never been any genuine political opposition in the country.
During the thirty years of the Duvaliers (Papa Doc and Baby Doc), the
"opposition" was a loose entity with a common foe but without unity
and viable structure. The fall of Baby Doc in 1986 provided an
opportunity for the opposition to really ascertain itself but the
immediate takeover by the army hindered all realistic hope. The
objectives might have been clearly identifiable but the lack of real
leadership and organization skills resulted in the mushrooming of a
horde of "one man-party" which, to this day, is responsible for the
chaos that is engulfing the empoverished nation. In order to tackle
this shortcoming, the international branches of both the Republican
and the Democratic parties in the United States (the International
Republican Institute and the National Democratic Institute for
International Affairs) began to provide training assistance to some
political parties through funding from the National Endowment for
Democracy (NED). These trainings, while aiming at strengthening the
role of the opposition in a democratic setting, have not accomplished
much, as the current situation would perfectly demonstrate.

In 1990, a coalition of labor unions and grassroots organizations
propelled Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power by a 67% of the votes. As a
priest, Aristide had no party and without this coalition, his
candidacy would not have been viable. Following his stunning victory,
Aristide created the Lavalas (meaning flood) party; but by being too
avid for power, he alienated most in the party who later deserted and
created their own faction.

The dissolution of the army by Aristide, upon his return to power in
1994 by the Americans, gave him the upper hand and eventually
contributed to his ascension as the most powerful man in the
country--Aristide stepped down in 1996 and later reclaimed the
presidency with more than 90% of the votes in the 2000 election.
Hence, his removal from office became the opposition's ultimate
target and they were not willing to accept any compromise that would
keep Aristide in office.

Aristide's accession to power and his successor, Rene Preval was a
devastated blow for the elite. It has weakened their absolute rule.
The absence of the army has compelled them to elaborate a set of
strategies in order to go back to the status quo, thereby join the
opposition in the quest for Aristide's removal. The emergence of such
a common front against a seating president is unprecedented in
Haiti's history. It is only in Haiti would one witness the left ally
with the right to topple the left and bring back the right to power.
The coalition of the opposition regrouped for the most part the
same political figures who opposed the Duvaliers, were brutalized by
the army and helped bring Aristide to power in 1990. During
Aristide's second term, one leader of the opposition, Evans Paul,
even refused to testify against a former army General, Prosper
Avril--in a trial that reminisced the atrocities committed before
Aristide's accession to power and during his brief exile in the
United States (1991-1994)--despite the fact that he was savagely
beaten and his life miraculously saved under Avril's military regime.
He refused to testify by claiming that the goal was to get the nation
rid off a tyrant and that he would take the opportunity to forgive
Avril for the tortures he withstood. Prosper Avril was among the
prisoners (close to 3,000) that were freed by Guy Phillipe following
the events that led to the forced departure of Aristide on February
29, 2004.

The elite, reluctant in the desire to share power with the fictitious
opposition, created their own movement--the Group 184. This coalition
claimed to represent all civic, social and grassroots organizations
throughout the country (184 in total) but in fact, it regrouped about
a dozen organizations not affiliated with the political parties but
in line with the ideas and goals of Andy Apaid Jr., the leader.
Initially and supposedly, the goal was to gather people's opinions
around the country with the "Convoy of hope" and create a social
contract but as the situation worsened, it became evident that the
group's ultimate goal was Aristide departure. The opposition
cheerfully joined Andy Apaid Jr. in his pursuit. In effect, by siding
with Apaid Jr. and later the rebels, the opposition has committed a
suicidal act that ultimately will derail the entire political
establishment. Apaid Jr. and the rebels knew all along what the
strategy was. It was not only to get rid off Aristide but also to
bring back the army in order to finally rebuild the power structure
that was somehow damaged during the Aristide and Preval years.
Furthermore, the American assistance played a key role in maintaining
the alliance. It is also worth noting that the Pentagon objected to
disbanding the army in 1995 because it was regarded as a loss of
revenues for the United States military-industrial complex. Hence,
the reconstitution of the army--the ultimate watchdog of the power
structure--is a victory for the Americans and the ruling oligarchy
but also mark the end of the political establishment, as we know it.

The coalition of the opposition is disintegrating. They are already
calling for elections this year and the creation of a new electoral
council. They are requesting that the interim administration of
Alexandre Boniface/Gerard Latortue provides the length of its
mandate. During the recent visit of the US Secretary of State Colin
Powell, the interim Prime Minister, Gerard Latortue took the
opportunity to reveal that general elections will be held in 2005 and
that the new president will be sworn in no later than February 7,
2006. The important twist came when Mr. Latortue warned that
Pro-Lavalas officials and members of the Aristide government--who are
now part of the new opposition--could only participate in these
elections if they renounce to violence. The current administration is
undeniably using intimidation as a means to silence Aristide
loyalists and repress all dissent. It has placed an interdiction of
departure on all former Aristide government officials, including the
Prime Minister Yvon Nepturne; the former minister of Interior has
been arrested and many pro-Lavalas loyalists are in hiding or have
been killed. The idea is to crush all popular dissent in order to
prevent the emergence of any type of charismatic figures like
Aristide.

As it is becoming clear, the Boniface/Latortue interim
administration, with perfect cooperation with the United States
Government and the European Union, is paving the way for the ultimate
capture of the presidency by an oligarchy that has been waiting for
such an opportunity since the fall of Baby Doc in 1986. Whenever the
new regime comes into place, it will be typical of the same power
structure that has governed the endangered nation for its 200 years
history. It will be a return to the future. The opposition, by making
alliance with Andy Apaid Jr. and the rebels, has dug their own graves
and no one should feel sorry for them. A new opposition will
eventually arise but only the people will dictate its course.

Lucson Pierre-Charles, a native of Haiti, now lives in Maryland. He
can be reached at: lpierrecharles@yahoo.com
.