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27178: Batay Ouvriye (reply) Re: 27163: Ives (reply) Re: 27139: Simidor (reply) Re: 27134: Collesano: Haiti Progres vs. Batay Ouvriye Round III (fwd)
BATAY OUVRIYE
Jan. 9, 2006
On Sprague's Alleged "Smoking Gun"
As some may know, our Batay Ouvriye workers' movement has recently been
under the attacks of a questionable political current based in the United
States. This current has published several articles, individually intervened
on the internet, hosted presentations and debates, and held various other
activities questioning our sources of funding.
According to the latest article published by Sprague "Batay Ouvriye's
Smoking Gun" (Haiti-Progrès, Jan. 4 - 10, 2006):
"Instead of supporting unions which did not call for the overthrow of the
elected government of Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the AFL-CIO, along with
mainstream international labor centers... has sought to strengthen marginal
groups like Batay Ouvriye...".
Here, at long last, we have reached the bottom of this current's reasoning.
According to it, these funds, regularly funneled to Haiti through the
NED-ACILS relationship ($250,000 in 1997, for example - whose utilization,
as all others, except perhaps for those of 2005, thanks to the
'researcher' -, we are completely ignorant of) should have been allocated
elsewhere.
But where?
For us, of Batay Ouvriye, who have never, ever, compromised our line of
complete working class independence by entering into cross-class coalitions
such as the 184 group, the claim is revealing because actually: every single
"major Haitian union federation", regardless of their internal divisions,
EXCEPT US, participated in this reactionary alliance's notorious Dec. 26,
2002 statement in favor of "collective measures to redress the national
boat" which initiated the movement to overthrow Aristide's regime
(http://tinyurl.com/8ajkq).
Here is the full list of 184-affiliated Haitian unions
(http://tinyurl.com/doa8s):
CATH
Centrale Autonome des Travailleurs Haïtiens
Autonomous Central of Haitian Workers
CFOH
Confédération des Forces Ouvrières Haïtiennes
Confederation of Haitian Working Forces
CGT
Centrale Générale des Travailleurs
Workers General Central
CISN
Confédération Indépendante des Syndicats Nationaux
Independent Confederation of National Unions
COH
Congrès des Ouvriers d'Haïti
Haitian Workers Congress
CONITH
Confédération Indépendante des Travailleurs Haïtiens
Independent Confederation of Haitian Workers
CSH
Coordination Syndicale Haïtienne
Haitian Union Coordination
CTH
Confédération des Travailleurs Haïtiens
Confederation of Haitian Workers
FETRAGA
Fédération des Travailleurs de la Grand'Anse
Grand'Anse Workers Federation
FETRAGOM
Fédération des Travailleurs Agricoles de Gros-Morne
Federation of Agricultural Workers of Gros-Morne
FETRASMA
Fédération des Travailleurs Agricoles de Saint-Michel de l'Atalaye
Federation of Agricultural Workers of Saint-Michel de l'Atalaye
FNTS
Fédération Nationale des Travailleurs Syndiqués
National Federation of Unionized Workers
FOS
Fédération des Ouvriers Syndiqués
Federation of Unionized Workers
FTN
Fédération des Travailleurs du Nord
Federation of Northern Workers
KOMOKA
Kombit Motosiklis ak Kondiktè d'Ayiti
Haiti Assembly of Motorcyclists and Drivers
KOTA
Konfederasyon Ouvrye Travayè Ayisyen
Haitian Workers Confederation
MNTH
Mouvement National des Travailleurs Haïtiens
National Movement of Haitian Workers
MOPPA
Mouvman Peyizan Patriyot Ayisyen
Haitian Patriotic Peasants Movement
MOVICIH
Mouvement Inter-Syndical Indépendante d'Haïti
Haitian Independent Inter-Union Movement
MTCH
Mouvement des Travailleurs du Cap-Haïtien
Cap-Haïtien Workers Movement
OGETNO
Organisation Générale des Travailleurs du Nord-Ouest
General Workers Organization of the Northwest
OGITH
Organisation Générale Indépendante des Travailleurs Haïtiens
Independent Organization of Haitian Workers
OTRA
Organisation des Travailleurs pour l'Avancement de l'Anse-à-Foleur
Workers Organization for the Advancement of l'Anse-à-Foleur
RENAFAM
Réseau National des Femmes
National Women's Network
SCCF
Syndicat des Chauffeurs Coopérants Fédérés
Federated Cooperative Drivers Union
SCCF
Syndicat des Chauffeurs et Coopérants et Fédérés
Union of Cooperative and Federated Drivers
SCPTEP
Syndicat des Chauffeurs et Propriétaires de Transport d'Eau Potable
Union of Owners and Drivers of Drinking Water Transport
SOST
SOS Transport
UTDL
Union des Travailleurs du District de Limbé
Workers Union of Limbé District
All the more grotesque is that the Haiti Progrès' propelled or favored CGT
union federation also participated in this tragic farce.
We so far refused to attain this level of argumentation in order to avoid
falling into the Sprague-Haiti Progres current's favorite practice of
finger-pointing. Singly confronted with this harrowing and unending
defamation, however, we simply must put forward what to us has always
appeared evident: Batay Ouvriye has obtained, and will continue to obtain
support for the manifest reason of its being the ONLY present active union
movement in the field. Period.
Bottom Line
For us, these are sums recuperated. We don't care how many figures are
involved (agreeing, finally, in this with Kim Ives in his note to Mitchel
Cohen on the Haiti Corbett list: "The point here is NOT the amount of money
given"), how much may come to exist and/or how long they may last. We are
determined to continue receiving all funds available for working class
organization. In fact, the present debate has reinforced us in this resolve.
One of our spokespersons, Paul, recently discussed the issue with the
"free-lance journalist" Anthony Fenton - who we we're glad to have
discovered as an extremely unethical spy, since, when questioned as to the
objectives of the interview, he denied it having anything to do with the
present debate. To Fenton's surprise, Paul openly stated that yes, firmly
armed with our line of working class independence, we are prepared to accept
any amount, even if it were a million dollars (!) coming from wherever it
may come. (The million dollar figure was "erroneously" given to Fenton by
the NED, it seems, instead of the $100,000 "targeted beneficiary" sum).This
stand has been unanimously approved at every level of our organization.
Batay Ouvriye has never, nor intends to appeal to the NED, the US State
Department or USAID and has NO relation with any of these bodies. In this
sense, Sprague's illustrated comment that our organization is "funded by the
U.S. Department of State, USAID, and the Solidarity Center" is purposely
misleading and deeply dishonest. It's unfortunate (but telling) that we
haven't had access to any of these NED "recently declassified" documents,
which we haven't able to find on the internet either. So we aren't even
notified. But as we said in our statement on solidarity, where supporters
obtain their funds is their problem, not ours. In our line of working class
independence, we deal directly with those we are directly in contact with,
such as the Solidarity Center whose line and practices we have unequivocally
confronted in all situations.
And just as Mario of the Batay Ouvriye Solidarity Network pointed out, it's
up to providers to decide when and if they're fed up with us. They aren't
obtaining any information from us, nor collaboration. We continue our
practices in unswerving conformity with our line, nationally and
internationally. We certainly won't alter an inch from this line (and duty)
due to the pressure of North-American petty bourgeois knee-jerk reactions
either.
Accounts
We, at Batay Ouvriye, resent being put on the line for accounts that our
challengers don't publicly divulge themselves - what sort of arrogance does
this reflect, especially in terms of inversing North-South relations?!! But
in the end, if this may help to settle the qualms of upset supporters, and
also perhaps (though we doubt it) quiet the dogs barking up the wrong tree,
we comply. First: it appears Haiti's Batay Ouvriye union may be a "targeted
beneficiary" for $100,000 this year, through the Solidarity Center which
solicited the NED. In this bulk amount, $20,000 (of which $13,000 remain to
be disbursed - there is no $13,000 or $20,000 "further funding") have been
allotted for a Ouanaminthe Workers' Center. Presently in discussion is a
possible additional $50,000 we've been offered for a potential free trade
zone practice in Port-au-Prince; this amount has not yet been signed and we
haven't received a cent of it. The Ouanaminthe funds being strictly
destined to this locality and the procedures bureaucratic, we hope such
central funds may at least help cover Port-au-Prince long outstanding debts
and phone bills (our phone line being presently cut off) while also
providing for meeting spaces, perhaps a fax, the internet only occasionally
paid and so on... but especially worker militant stipends. The free trade
zone practice is not one of Ouanaminthe but rather one of national
dimension, demanding much coordination and travel.
Since this is the first time we're in such a position, to claim we're
"heavily dependent on "foreign 'democracy promotion'" is just ludicrous. And
the affirmation that we we've been recently linked, because of this, on the
reactionary "Haiti Democracy Project" website, is a patent lie that can be
proved a simple link click - the site merely references an article on this
debate on Indymedia, amongst numerous others articles they chose to blog
that week such as Corporate Watch's Lucy Komisar article on the Aristide
Telecom lawsuits!
On being deaf, dumb and blind to obvious internal contradictions
Perhaps the obtuseness evident here reflects the noticeable incapacity of
some North-American progressive organizations, as yet, to live up to their
immense challenge, that of nationally and internationally proposing genuine
alternatives to the Republican / Democrat false dichotomy, the AFL-CIO /
Change to Win impasse and others... Such Manichaeism, insensible to manifest
contradictions in historical and political development, appears to be part
and parcel of other strategic and tactical limitations. The frequently
dismally low level of this debate on the San Francisco Bay Area Indymedia
internet commentary section, for example, reveals a high degree of team
back-patting and regurgitation conducive to a rather gloomy outlook on the
"left"'s advancement in North America. It's clearly much less difficult to
scapegoat others than to lucidly examine and address the clearly progressing
contradictions of limited social movements that even we may have
participated in.
Defending Aristide
The messiah Aristide's defense consequently ends up as this supposed left's
last holding rampart concerning Haitian progressive politics. "Throngs"
demonstrated for Aristide - but it is indifferent to our detractors whether
these individuals were workers, masses, demonstrating in their own interests
or recruited lumpen proletarians, often defending quite opposite interests.
In fact, the very debate appears dull for them.
Although we've already said we're determined not to be prey to the
provocateurs' lure and remain resolute in avoiding sterile debates where we
repeat key positions that seem to fall on deaf ears, we repeat nevertheless
that: for us, the issue of clearly recognizing populist opportunists sectors
reconstructing the bureaucratic bourgeoisie as a reactionary fraction of the
Haitian bourgeoisie is crucial. As we already showed, the "legitimately
elected" President argument doesn't hold with respect to the preservation of
workers' interests (as we said: what of Bush? What of Chirac?). Helping the
workers and masses to quite distinctly draw the line between their interests
and those of all new bourgeois fractions which may be just as negative as
the 'traditional bourgeoisie' with regard to their medium- and long-term
interests, is vital to avoid repeating errors of the past. That the Lavalas
current, alongside the bourgeois "opposition", repeatedly called for Haiti's
occupation, that it favored the concentration of capital and the application
of neo-liberal policies such as the free trade zones, that it repressed
workers' mobilizations... are all extremely important points we need to
scrutinize in the interest of the workers. And our general stand on this
debate guides us, as a line, in permanently exposing all the ruling classes'
various forms and disguises, in complete working class independence.
In fact, several Haitian progressives are beginning to sincerely question
the deep-lying interests of American progressives in defending such frankly
exposed "Lavalas family" politics. Certainly, being mistaken by the
mainstream media is understandable. But to remain entrenched in such fallacy
is beyond us, leading to the question of whether the problem might not
rather be related to class nature and composition.
On the presentation of facts
Several progressives have indicated reserve with respect to Batay Ouvriye's
gradual presentation of the facts and stands we've taken in the finances
debate. Given the importance we have always given their support and the
negative effects we realize this situation may have created, we considered
it important for us to clarify. But we also want to point out two things
that may help to explain how this situation came about. First, that this
debate has gradually grown into a full-blown discussion of numerous issues,
that is being followed by a good number of sincerely concerned progressives.
We learned this. At first, we had no knowledge of who was participating
and/or following it and in what objective. Secondly, related to this, is the
fact that the debate evolved by parts. When it started out, it concerned the
question of whether we had obtained funds from the AFL-CIO to participate in
the Aristide regime's "destabilization". We demonstrated quite clearly
(http://tinyurl.com/djjlb) that we hadn't received any funds from the
Solidarity Center before Aristide's departure in February 2004 and that only
several months later did this organization offer $3,500 to the Free Trade
Zone striking SOCOWA workers in response to a public appeal. The debate then
came to concern whether a genuine workers' movement could accept any funds
from the American government or the AFL-CIO's Solidarity Center. We again
responded to this with our "Clarification" document
(http://tinyurl.com/89zpn), establishing clearly what we exactly understand
to be relations of solidarity and working class independence ("On
Solidarity" - http://tinyurl.com/8fgcx) and addressing numerous other
points as well. At present, since the Dec. 22nd debate in San Francisco, we
are solicited to open the books and state precisely what our solidarity
funding is, has been and may be. Once again, we've fully complied, in the
interest of unity and solidarity, and with respect for the struggles of the
workers and popular masses in Haiti and internationally.
B.P. 13326, DELMAS, HAITI (W.I.), TEL/FAX: (509) 222-6719,
Batayouvriye@hotmail.com