29402: Lucas: Management Without Principle: A Familiar Path to Chaos in Haiti (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: Stanley Lucas <maloukwi@yahoo.com>

Management Without Principle:
A Familiar Path to Chaos in Haiti
  By Stanley Lucas*

Executive Summary
  - The newly elected Preval Government has been exhibiting decision-making 
reminiscent of the recent past, specifically the period between 1994 and 2004. 
The result of decision-making during that period led the country to the chaos 
of February 2004 with the haphazard departure of Aristide.

  - The Preval Administration has outlined priorities in line with 
international governance standards, such as rule of law, human rights 
protection and free and fair elections.  But there is no action plan on how to 
achieve these standards.  And, in fact, the actions being taken are starting to 
go against these standards.

  - If the Preval Administration continues down this path, Haiti will be led 
into chaos yet again.  Haitian society and the international community have an 
opportunity to help change the course by requiring the Haitian government to 
meet the international guidelines for receiving international aid that all 
other countries must meet.  This will help ensure that there is an appropriate 
framework in place to support Haiti’s nascent democracy.


The Aristide Legacy
  In October 1994, the United States sent 20,000 troops to reinstate Jean 
Bertrand Aristide to power and provided more than US$3 billion to support 
democracy-building in Haiti.  Under the theory that all politics are local, the 
international community pressed Aristide to come up with his own plan for 
democracy and Haiti’s future and to take ownership of the effort rather than 
having it led by the international community.  Aristide consulted his closest 
advisors – Philippe Rouzier, Leslie Voltaire and Leslie Delatour – and outlined 
a plan that focused on stability and security by promoting the rule of law and 
strengthening the police; initiating a dialogue with Haiti’s civil society; 
organizing free and fair elections and promoting good governance; privatizing 
industry; fighting corruption and drug trafficking; respecting human rights and 
promoting development.

  On paper, the plan was a good one.  But it had two serious flaws:  1. it was 
merely a laundry list of objectives with no real action plan; and 2. it 
empowered Aristide to be the sole owner of the plan rather than taking an 
approach based on “checks and balances” and supporting the leadership as well 
as non-government actors. Essentially, the international community backed one 
man.

  The results were disastrous.  From 1994 to 2004, Aristide and his associates 
did just the opposite of their stated goals.  Aristide turned against the 
United States calling the government an “evil power” and developed was a 
politicized police force and a network of gangs loyal to the government.  These 
gangs operated above the law and were free to take whatever measures they 
wanted to stamp out any opposition.  They burned opposition party headquarters 
and the private residences of opponents.
  Independent judges were dismissed replaced by more cooperative people and a 
network of paid international lawyers acted as mercenaries for the cause. 
Elections were rigged three separate times (April 1997, May 2000 and November 
2000).  Parliament was dissolved; privatization turned into bribery; corruption 
became rampant, drug trafficking rose to unprecedented levels.  With Aristide 
support, drug traffickers controlled the police, the presidency and its 
security apparatus, the judicial system and financed rigged elections.  Members 
of Parliament loyal to the president were linked to cocaine trafficking, 
including the president of the Senate Fourrel Celestin now serving a life 
sentence in a Florida jail.  Political assassination and violations of human 
rights by the president and his supporters became a normal practice, well known 
journalists were killed including Brignol Lindor, Jacque Roche.  The dean of 
Haiti’s state university was severely beaten.  Dialogue, a hallmark
 of the 1994 plan, was later used merely as a tool that was used to flush out 
opposition.
  In the end, Aristide’s gangs took on a life and agenda of their own.  There 
was extensive infighting over power, control and wealth – complete chaos.  This 
infighting led to the events of February 2004 and complete collapse of the 
government when Aristide resigned and was helicoptered out of the country by US 
forces as his gang of thugs moved into the capital.

  Lessons Learned
  In 1996 despite the early signs indicating the government was heading down 
this path, the donor community remained steadfast in its position that Aristide 
should lead the efforts to put in place a democratic Haiti as he was the 
elected leader.  Parliament, political parties, Haitian civil society and some 
donor organizations decried the situation and made numerous pleas to the 
international community for support -- for free and fair elections, for 
corruption-fighting, for efforts to redress the lack of transparency in Haitian 
government, for job creation programs, and on and on -- all to no avail..

  Now in 2006, we are again seeing signs of a return to Aristide politics.  But 
this time, we must ensure that the voices of reason and principle prevail. 
This time we (meaning the donor community and Haitian civil society actors) 
must insist that the government puts into place a real action plan, rather than 
the list of objectives that they currently have.  Haitian leaders have begun to 
attack the international community for not providing aid in a timely manner, 
but international actors much resist the attacks and focus on getting a plan 
and seeing the actions to fulfill standard requirements for receiving that aid. 
To date there have been no capacity building efforts or measures by the Haitian 
government to ensure that aid is implemented effectively.  This time, no matter 
what, Haiti must become a reliable partner, a reliable international actor and 
results-oriented.

  The Current Administration
  For the past three months, the Haitian government has made some questionable 
decisions that, if not redressed, will have a negative impact on the 
democratization process.  It should be noted that Preval has made some personal 
efforts to reach out to various actors of Haiti’s political spectrum, but time 
will tell whether or not these talks are truly intended to establish a real 
political dialogue or if they are purely cosmetic.

- First, by retrieving the charges against Jean Bertrand Aristide in a Florida 
court the government is sending a signal that accountability is not a priority 
and will make it difficult to pursue others.

- Second, the government pressured judges to free Aristide’s political allies 
involved in political assassinations.

- Third, the government named Samba Boukman, a co-chief of Haiti’s Operation 
Baghdad, a gang-organized campaign of violence, as a member of the official 
presidential disarmament commission.  Operation Baghdad has resulted in the 
murder of 1,821 Haitian citizens, decapitation of 108 police officers, 237 
women raped, 500 people kidnapped, including Americans and Canadians.

  - Fourth, by leaning on their close allies within the Provisional Electoral 
Council, the government has delayed – and continues to delay – the completion 
of the remaining legislative elections and the organization of the municipal 
and local elections.

- Five, efforts to politicize the police have resumed.  The new inspector 
general and member of KOREGA in the Grand Anse has a well known history of 
violence.

- Six, a resumption of targeted attacks against journalists including Vario 
Serant of Alterpresse.

- Seven, continuing political assassinations, with the most recent killing of 
Guy Francois.

- Eight, no serious efforts to combat the gangs.  Rather the approach has been 
to appease them.  They have essentially “blackmailed” the government – a 
worrisome trend.

  Understanding Those in Power
  Currently there is a struggle between two major groups that make up this 
Administration as well as past Administrations. The first is a group of 
technocrats willing to play by the rules and promote democracy and good 
governance.  They are at the nexus of international experience and domestic 
expertise.  They are generally well-educated, idealistic and motivated.  Most 
have peasant roots but have staked a serious claim in their country’s future. 
Unfortunately, they do not have the upper hand.
  The second is a minority group who knows no other way to rule other than by 
mobocracy.  They lack a moral compass.  They believe in political violence, and 
use corruption, kidnappings, political assassination, rape, drug trafficking 
and other illegal activities to secure their positions of power.  For them, the 
United States is an “evil power”, and the international community is weak and 
can be manipulated.  Appointing Samba Boukman, a well-known criminal, as a 
member of this official disarmament commission is a way for this group to show 
it does not “report to” the international community.  This group of Haitian 
leaders believes that the plights of Haiti should be blamed on the IMF, the 
World Bank and others – but not them.  Unfortunately for now, these people do 
have the upper hand.

  What Can be Done to Change the Path?
  A couple months after the chaos of February 2004, a sense of security and 
stability was reestablished, human rights violations decreased, and an 
electoral body was put in place.  In addition, relations with the international 
community strengthened and there was an allocation of US$1.2 billion to Haiti 
for various restoration and capacity building programs.  Despite the serious 
challenges left by the Aristide regime, and as a transition authority, the 
interim government was doing a good job of moving the process forward.  In 2005 
and 2006, concerned Haitian citizens, supported by the international community, 
heavily invested in the transition process.  The 2006 elections constituted the 
first step for une sortie de crise – or a way out of the political crisis.

  Now that an elected government is in place, more needs to be done to 
strengthen Haiti both politically and economically, but with serious 
accountability.  Haitians, supported by the international community, should 
continue to mobilize and push for a comprehensive roadmap to strengthen 
democracy and eliminate mobocracy.
  The following is a list of recommendations on how to achieve this. 
Essentially, it requires that Haiti’s government leaders go back to the basics 
and spend time working, structuring, and organizing rather than undertaking 
endless travel to international conferences that will not contribute to Haiti’s 
stability and reconstruction. There is much talk about Constitutional reform. 
Constitutional reform is not at all a priority (unless perhaps one is 
interested in “President for Life”).  It seems that some foreign mercenaries 
preoccupied by advancing their careers are more focused on constitutional 
reform than on taking care of the Haitian people themselves.  Haitians are 
seeking a better security environment and opportunities that will help them 
provide for their families – not constitutional reforms.  So let’s focus on 
what is priority.

  - Security: There is a need for a national security strategy with the input 
of the Executive, Legislative and Judiciary branches.  Input from political 
parties, civil society should be sought out and encouraged.  Gang members, 
thugs and drug dealers are still linked to state affairs and cannot be allowed 
to participate in official functions. The Haitian government must put a vetting 
process in place to keep criminals out of its ranks – and have the courage to 
clear out criminals and others unworthy of the public trust who are already in 
government. The strengthening of the police including recruitment, training, 
purchasing of arms in the United States should be supervised by a multifaceted 
commission with veto power formed by  representatives of the Executive branch, 
the Judiciary, human rights organizations and other civil society 
organizations. Building a new force, as the Preval Administration has proposed, 
seems premature and dangerous.  Why build a new force when the
 current one has not be strengthened and cleaned from its ranks the cronies 
recruited in 1994-2004?

- A Policy Agenda : After three months in office, it is time for Haitian 
government to present the international donors with a strategic economic, 
social and political action plan.  Not a Program to Assist Sinecures (PAS). 
Their current plan is disorganized and is not comprehensive.  It is a list of 
US$7 billion in projects without any context as to how they fit into Haiti's 
overall goals.  This plan should include projects in the areas of education, 
infrastructure, agriculture, health, security, economic development, and 
environmental protection.  Equally important, this plan should take into 
account international funding requirements and the US$850 million available.

- Efficiency in the State Sector:  Haiti’s revenue generating sectors are 
currently organized to provide kickbacks (bribery) to political allies and 
cronies. This corruption must stop. The government should show their 
performance in generating its own revenue from its revenue generating sectors, 
such as telecommunications, ports, and the tax authority.

- Strengthen Domestic Management Capability and Accountability: The Haitian 
government needs to build up the capacity to absorb international funds before 
they are received.  The government needs to put in place a human infrastructure 
that is capable of project and fund management and remove those who are 
incompetent. They should recruit capable professionals from the Diaspora and 
within Haiti into government. There are too many unqualified people in the 
government and it is severely limiting progress. As a capable management team 
comes in, they must also be subject to strengthened rules to ensure proper 
oversight and accountability so that the cycle of corruption that has weakened 
the infrastructure in government in the past is not repeated.

- Support Haiti's Private Sector:  Haiti has an eager Chamber of Commerce with 
10 chapters throughout the country.  They desperately lack information on how 
to function as a Chamber as well as the ability to carry out the various trade 
and economic promotion activities normally run by Chambers.   In addition, 
there is a need for micro-credit programs and women's development projects, 
including women entrepreneurs – a particular opportunity for the IADB.   Haiti 
needs jobs.  One way to encourage job creation would be for the U.S. Congress 
to pass the HOPE legislation that would lower tariffs in certain sectors and 
promote greater U.S.-Haiti trade.  Hopefully the Chairman of the Ways and Means 
Committee, Representative Bill Thomas, and Representative Charles Rangel will 
do their best to get a vote during Congress’ lame duck session in November. 
Let’s encourage this effort.

  - Timely Elections:   There is some concern that there is a deliberate effort 
to implode the Provisional Electoral Council in order to delay the remaining 
district Legislative and nationwide Municipal and Local elections scheduled for 
December 3, 2006.  The Haitian voters at the local level and Haitian political 
parties are getting impatient and the international community has a US$120 
million investment in these elections.  If they are not carried out in a 
timely, free and fair manner, this government will have undermined all the 
current and previous efforts to build viable democratic process.

- Arms Control: When the arms embargo is lifted by the United States, 
mechanisms should be put in place to ensure that arms do not fall into the 
network of gangs and criminals – as in the 1994-2004 period when the Aristide 
government actually armed the gangs – but get to legitimate police officers. 
The National Police Force and a credible commission formed of human rights 
activist should help enforce this policy.

* Stanley Lucas worked on Afghanistan, the Middle East, Africa and Latin 
America. Lucas is currently the Executive Director of the Washington Democracy 
Project



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