#4387: using a mob for strategic reasons : A reply to Gill

[Robert Corbett <bcorbett@netcom.com>]

From: ROODY BARTHELEMY <kreyolco@hotmail.com>

Mob strategy is as old as propaganda.  Its practice has never been exclusive 
to just one camp, and in the case of Haiti, Aristide does not hold the 
exclusivity of mob strategy. The Duvaliers(1957-86)inventively used it 
against their opponents; Prosper Avril creatively used it in 1989 against 
the democratic associations that opposed his burgeoning dictatorship; CATH 
demagogically used it some time against Aristide government shortly before 
the 91 coup; the defunct FAD'H abusively used it against Lavalas supporters 
during the 1991 coup d'etat; the CIA diplomatically used it in Haiti, 
through FRAPH, during the Harlan County incident in 1993; and the last but 
not least, K-Plim's and KID's proudest label of reputation in Haitian 
politics is mob mobilization (preceded usually with threats and warnings 
like announcing the end of days).  Thus, maybe Aristide himself--if evidence 
confirms that he is using the same tactics of mob manipulation--is just 
joining in a dirty political war practice that requires he uses the same 
weapons used by his opponents, thereby, adjusting to the standards. This is 
tough to say, but maybe it is! And still he would be given the benefit of 
the doubt given that his charisma and popularity on the political scene have 
been second to no one elses's in Haiti since 1990.  This is what makes it 
hard to understand for many of those who are looking at the Haiti's 
political situation in a superficial way.

Aristide (the person, not even his party) is seen by all the other political 
factions involved as the obstacle to overcome.  The man is always directly 
referred to in all the trials, debates, accusations, discussions, and 
political plots as the only "empêcheur de tourner en rond". He's accused of 
favoring privatization, drug involvement, bribery, embezzlement, corruption 
and even is in connivance with the U.S. to relinquish Haiti's sovereignty.  
You name it! In strange contrast, "the opposition"  against him is usually 
vaguely referred to as a cohesive organization, although there hasn't been 
any direct name or specific individual figure that really identifies its 
leadership.  And there lays the key to objectively analyze the political 
situation of Haiti at this particular time.  The "opposition" as we name it 
today is a veritable pool of political associations so fragmented between 
their interests and tendencies that only it makes it very hard to define.  
To a point that one can ask: opposition to whom or what? Opposition to 
Aristide or to Haiti as a nation? The "opposition" actually counts more than 
40 political groupies and committees, referred to as parties that have 
united to campaign against Aristide's person and influence as well as 
against his party Lafanmi Lavalas. And given the history of where the 
tenants of this opposition come from, it is necessary to consider that all 
of this contains also a good amount of egoistic frustrations, political 
ambitions, and professional deceptions.  More than enough to render that 
opposition as moribund as we are witnessing it.

If in reality Aristide has no viable opponent, it therefore eliminates any 
reason he might have nurtured to encourage the practice of mob manipulation 
to violence as campaign or political strategy. Everything would look and be 
easy, as it is true that it takes two to tangle. And motive for motive, when 
we look at the elections results, even if we were to go with Mr. Manus late 
declaration, Aristide and his party would still be ahead as the favorites.  
Definitely, it takes two to tangle, se 2 bon ki fè bonbon.

It is fortunate that Mr. Leon Manus, the resigning president of the 
Provisoral Electoral Council (CEP)had the courage to react immediately and 
so vehemently against the intimidating pressures and threats, said he, that 
Aristide's party or Aristide himself was making on his person.  His open 
reaction (which real motive we're still to find out about) is a strong 
evidence that neither Aristide nor Lafanmi could in anyway exercise some 
form of control in the electoral process. So why all the single-sided fuss, 
the doubtful flight, and the all-of-a-sudden resuscitated sense of patriotic 
duty that immediately replaces a fearful resignation?

When we all know that Aristide is just a man, like me or her, and his 
political adversaries are no angels, although they pretend to concert in 
space?

We need to start looking at Haiti's political situation in a practical and 
realistic way.  Knowing that only the logic in our observations will enable 
us to reach to the truth, we need, as objectivity commands us, to get rid of 
our subjective and exotic spectacles effectively help Haiti's society 
embrace the practice of consensus building.

We need to start looking at Haiti's political situation in a practical and 
realistic way.  Knowing that only the logic in our observations will enable 
us to reach to the truth, we need, as objectivity commands us, to get rid of 
our subjective and exotic spectacles if we want to effectively help Haiti's 
society embrace the practice of consensus building. In his comments about 
the interesting socio-political concept of consensus building, Gill 
mentioned that this should be "the next step in promoting democracy in 
Haiti".  The idea is great because it is never too late to do the right 
thing.  I wholeheartedly support and applaud the idea by saying that it 
should have been implemented long time ago, if really the 1915 occupation of 
Haiti was really to fix the "wrongs" of the country.

Yes, consensus building! The most malleable and tolerant approach to 
alleviating Haiti's cecity in social tolerance, human rights universality 
and political pluralism.  Consensus building, it's what we need for Haiti.  
It's what we should encourage...not only when it seems that Aristide is 
going to be the winner, but mostly and above all when the Opposition and the 
masses do not accept to swallow their loss(es). Then, perhaps every one, 
Haitians and non-Haitian alike, in both the national and international 
communities, will r-e-a-l-l-y understand that se 2 bon ki pou fè bonbon, it 
takes two to tangle...

Roody
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