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7664: Investigation Results by the RSF on the Jean Dominique's case (fwd)

From: Jean Succar <succarj@hotmail.com>

Investigative report by the RSF on the Jean Dominique case.



3 APRIL 2000 – 3 APRIL 2001

"If they murdered him, they can murder any journalist"

An investigation in Haiti --- 19-25 March 2001


Jean Dominique, a Haitian journalist and political commentator, was gunned 
down in the courtyard of his radio station, Haiti Inter, on 3 April 2000.  
The murder of one of the country's most famous journalists deeply shocked 
Haitians.  President René Préval ordered three days of official mourning and 
16,000 people attended Dominique's funeral in the national stadium.  Since 
then, a foundation has been set up (Fondasyon Eko Vwa Jean Dominique) to 
ensure that those who killed him are punished and that his commitment to 
mass education is continued.

"If they murdered him, they can murder any journalist," says Liliane 
Pierre-Paul, a former Radio Haiti Inter journalist who now runs Radio 
Kiskeya.  Haitian journalists have taken the killing as a warning to the 
entire press.

A year after the murder, a delegation from Reporters Sans Frontières 
(Reporters Without Borders – RSF) visited Haiti to see how far the 
investigation into it had got and highlight the obstacles to its completion.

Haiti has seen a dozen political killings over the past two years and 
journalists have recently received death threats.[1]  A successful 
investigation of Dominique's murder would be an important break with the 
practice of impunity in Haitian society.

Because of the current political atmosphere in Haiti, most of the people RSF 
talked to asked to remain anonymous.

Jean Dominique:  a fighter for democracy

Born into Haiti's mulatto aristocracy on 30 July 1930, Dominique trained as 
an agronomist.  But he soon aligned himself with the peasantry and the poor, 
which in Haiti's highly-stratified society, often meant he was called a 
traitor to his class.  In the late 1960s, he joined Radio Haiti as a 
reporter and then bought the station in 1971, renaming it Radio Haiti Inter. 
  The station began reaching out, starting the first systematic broadcasting 
in Creole, the country's main language, instead of French, which is spoken 
only by a tiny minority of Haitians.  He encouraged reports from the 
countryside and gave more coverage of world affairs.

As a critic of the Duvalier dictatorship (1957-86), he was forced into exile 
in 1981 after his wife, Michèle Montas, and other Haiti Inter staff were 
arrested and deported by the regime.  He returned after the fall of 
President-for-Life Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier in February 1986, only to 
leave again in 1991 when the army seized power.  He came back in 1994, after 
that regime fell too.

After the Duvalier regime collapsed, his fight for democracy and interest in 
social issues drew him to the Lavalas movement which emerged in 1990 around 
the presidential candidacy of Jean-Bertrand Aristide.  But his independent 
spirit made him reject any suggestion of running for office himself.  When 
his longtime friend René Préval became president in February 1986, Dominique 
became an unofficial adviser.  He continued to air his news and comment show 
"Inter actualités" and an interview programme "Face à l'opinion."  He made 
many enemies by harshly criticising the country's moneyed elite, the former 
Duvalierists, the army, US policy towards Haiti and most recently, certain 
figures in Aristide's Fanmi Lavalas party.

Dominique was murdered when he arrived before dawn at the radio station in 
the Port-au-Prince suburb of Delmas.  He parked his car in the small yard, 
got out and turned to go into the building.  At that moment, a stranger 
walked into the yard and fired seven shots at Dominique.  Four 9 mm bullets 
fatally wounded him in the neck and the heart and he died on the spot.  The 
gunmen then shot dead the station's security guard, Jean-Claude Louissant, 
with a special hollow-point bullet.

"Jean was killed because nobody could tell him what to do or say"

His wife, Michèle Montas, says he was killed "because nobody could tell him 
what to do or say."  He was especially dangerous, she says, because "he was 
going to stop a lot of people making a lot of money" but "he didn't have 
files on people," as some believed.  "He was just good at picking up scraps 
of information and extracting meaning from them."  His daughter Gigi recalls 
how some people lost their jobs after replying to his blunt questions in 

ÿ In the months before his death, he had said on the air that several 
institutions involved in preparing the 21 May 2000 parliamentary elections 
were plotting an "electoral coup d'etat" to limit the number of people who 
could vote.  He criticised the voter registration period as too short and 
the number of polling stations as too few.  He attacked the National 
Elections Observation Council (CNO), which grouped several civil society 
organisations, and the official Interim Elections Board (CEP) which was in 
charge of the poll.  CNO chief Léopold Berlanger was summoned for 
questioning by the examining magistrate in early November 2000 and then in 
February 2001.  Berlanger says Dominique's murder was used as an excuse to 
attack the CNO.
ÿ   Dominique several times criticised the pharmaceutical firm Pharval, 
owned by the Boulos family: in 1997 for selling a contaminated cough syrup 
that killed at least 80 children and more recently for selling ethanol-laced 
ÿ In October 1999, he accused former interim police chief (1995-96) Dany 
Toussaint, a member of Aristide's Fanmi Lavalas, of conducting a smear 
campaign against former secretary of state for public security Robert Manuel 
and the then police chief, Pierre Denizé.  The two were alleged by several 
radio stations to have been involved in the 8 October murder of Jean Lamy, 
Manuel's expected successor.  On 19 October, he warned Aristide in a 
broadcast to beware of "the ambitions" of Toussaint.  "I know he has enough 
money to pay and arm henchmen," he said.  "If he tries to move against me or 
the radio station and if I'm still alive, I'll close the station down and go 
into exile once again with my wife and children."
ÿ The New York Haitian radio station Radio Liberté on 9 February 2000 
broadcast death threats against Dominique and his wife by two of Toussaint's 
lawyers, Jean-Claude Nord and Gérard Georges, and former Duvalierist Serge 
Beaulieu.  A few months later, Nord called for Mrs Dominique to explain 
before a judge why she was not with her husband at the time he was killed, 
suggesting she had arranged his murder so she could get the proceeds of his 
life insurance.  He also accused her waging a campaign to destroy 
Toussaint's drive to be elected president in 2005.

Results of the official investigation

The enquiry into Dominique's death began with several false leads.  A few 
days after he was killed, the body of his murderer was said to have been 
found, but it proved that the suspect had died three days before the murder. 
  A few weeks later, Bob Lecorps, accused in 1997 of helping to murder 
justice minister Guy Malary in 1993, was arrested as he tried to cross into 
the Dominican Republic.  He was soon released for want of a link to the 
Dominique killing.

Nearly 80 people have been questioned by judges Jean Sénat Fleury and Claudy 
Gassant, who have successively been preparing the case of Dominique's 
murder.  The investigators have found that:
&#64257;          The killing was planned in the course of several meetings.
&#64257;          The day of the murder, the killers were lying in wait 
outside the radio station.  There were seven of them: two gunmen and five 
accomplices who waited in three vehicles - a red Nissan Pathfinder in which 
the gunmen got away, a white Cherokee jeep and a small truck parked a little 
further away.
&#64257;          Despite the different kinds of bullets found in 
Dominique's and Louissant's bodies, they probably came from the same gun, 
which has not been found.
&#64257;          Two of the vehicles, the Cherokee and the Nissan, had been 
stolen and already used to commit other crimes.  The third vehicle was found 

No mastermind in the killing has been questioned but six people have been 
jailed for being directly or indirectly involved.
&#64257;          The suspected killer, Jamely Millien, known as Ti Lou, who 
was arrested about 10 days after the crime.
&#64257;          The second gunman, Jean Daniel Jeudi (known as Gime), Ti 
Lou's brother, whose job was to cover him during the shooting.  He was 
arrested a few weeks after the investigation began.
&#64257;          A person known to have had contacts with people working in 
the presidential palace.
&#64257;          Philippe Markington, an informer selling information he 
got through his access to many institutions.  He presented himself to 
investigators a few days after the murder, claiming he had seen everything 
because, he said, he had been at the scene by chance.  He was ready to 
cooperate with the enquiry in exchange for the release from prison of a 
friend.  The accuracy of his descriptions made police suspect he had in fact 
taken part in the killing.  He provided the numbers of two of the vehicles 
involved and said where the third vehicle had been abandoned..
&#64257;          Two policemen, one of whom, Ralph Léger, was arrested in 
possession of the white Cherokee jeep.

An investigation by Ana Arana for the Inter-American Press Association 
(IAPA), published on 12 March 2001, said the first three of the above had 
links with Ronald Camille (known as Ronald Cadavre), the suspected head of 
several criminal organisations and a man with a long criminal record.  His 
name was mentioned in an enquiry into the murder of opposition senator Yvon 
Toussaint.  Cadavre is thought to control networks of stolen vehicles and 
weapons in the capital's port area and to run extortion rackets.  Arana says 
his domain extends from the port to the central market.  Cadavre, who has 
reportedly just won control of the port security service, was questioned by 
the examining magistrate.  His brother Franco is a member of Aristide's 
Fanmi Lavalas party

The mysterious death of Jean-Wilner Lalanne

As they looked into the origin of the stolen vehicles used in the killing, 
the investigators came across Jean-Wilner Lalanne, who worked for a network 
handling stolen cars.  He had been arrested in connection with the murder of 
an engineer in a Port-au-Prince suburb and then freed in unclear 

Lalanne was arrested again on 15 June 2000 as a suspected link between the 
gunmen and those who ordered the killing of Dominique.  He was shot and 
wounded in the buttocks and thigh when he was detained and died 13 days 
later during an operation to mend a broken thigh-bone.  The exact cause of 
his death has not been established.  The orthopaedic surgeon who performed 
the operation, Dr Alix Charles, said he died from a pulmonary embolism, but 
this appears to be  contradicted by the autopsy.  Two months later, when a 
second autopsy was ordered, it was found that Lalanne's body had 
mysteriously disappeared a few weeks earlier.  The examining magistrate has 
opened an enquiry.

In early July, a few days after Lalanne died, Radio Haiti Inter raised 
questions about why there was violence when he was arrested.  Three of those 
arrested for suspected involvement in the Dominique killing, including the 
suspected gunman, Ti Lou, were wounded in the course of being detained.  
After his arrest, Lalanne said several times he was afraid of being 
murdered.  He was not guarded during his first days in hospital and people 
were able to visit him without the presence of police.  In the 13 days 
before his operation, he was questioned just once by the examining 
magistrate, who only asked him about the murder of the engineer.

Lalanne had chosen another doctor for the operation, but it was done by Dr 
Charles.  On 28 June, he was transferred from the general hospital to the 
Saint-François de Sales hospital where Charles operated the same afternoon, 
helped by a Dr Delaneau and two anaesthetists, Marie Yves-Rose Chrisostome 
and Gina Georges. Charles is being investigated on suspicion of 
manslaughter, but has not yet responded to a summons to appear before a 
judge. Four other people are in jail in connection with Lalanne's death.

A number of people have wondered about the links between Charles and Dany 
Toussaint.  Charles is a friend of Richard Salomon, said to be Toussaint's 
right-hand man.  It was Lalanne's lawyer, Ephésien Joassaint, who asked 
Charles to operate. Joassaint had been recommended to Lalanne by Jean-Claude 
Nord, Toussaint's lawyer.

Obstruction by the Senate

Judge Claudy Gassant, who had been in charge of the case since September, 
asked Sen. Toussaint in early November to present himself for questioning.  
Senators claimed Toussaint had parliamentary immunity and did not have to 
respond, but the Constitution says such immunity only applies when the 
member of parliament risks arrest, which was not the case.

Pressure on the judge became very heavy.  The Senate president, Yvon 
Neptune, said that "an insignificant little judge" could not summon a member 
of the Senate, whose members threatened to "investigate the precise reasons" 
for the judge wanting to talk to Toussaint.  An associate of Sen. Prince 
Pierre Sonson said he had been threatened after Sonson called on Toussaint 
to go before the judge.

Judge Gassant was threatened on 30 January 2001 by a parliamentary deputy, 
Millien Rommage, a former assistant chief of presidential security and 
associate of Toussaint.  The judge had just been questioning some of 
Toussaint's associates when Rommage and a carload of heavily-armed men 
intercepted his car and warned him that "if he continued," his car might be 
fired on.

Toussaint finally asked permission from Senate president Neptune on 21 
February to go to see judge Gassant, who subsequently questioned him on 
several occasions.

Pressure on the judges

Holding up a copy of the Constitution, Judge Gassant told the Reporters Sans 
Frontières delegation that he intended to use all his powers under the law 
to complete his examination of the Dominique case.  But he said he was up 
against the hostility and customary behaviour of certain social classes and 

In March, a group of lawyers, including the head of the bar association, 
Rigaud Duplan, criticised Gassant for not allowing lawyers to be present 
while he heard evidence from people in  the Dominique case.  The presence of 
lawyers is usually accepted, Gassant noted, but is not obligatory under the 
official criminal investigation guidelines.  A few weeks earlier, he had run 
into resistance from a number of doctors and from the university medical 
school, who objected to him coming to investigate on their premises.  In 
February, Gassant was reproached by parliamentary deputies for "illegally" 
arresting someone in the parliamentary compound, while in fact the person 
had been detained on the orders of the president of the Chamber of Deputies, 
Pierre Paul Cotin.

Judge Gassant said he was shocked that the IAPA report contained the names 
of the people arrested and jailed, who he said were supposed to be protected 
by the confidentiality of the investigation.  He was being guarded by four 
policemen, he said, and at the height of his conflict with the Senate, he 
had been escorted by five members of the Swat special operations police.  
His family was living abroad and he regularly changed his place of 
residence.  One day, three members of his police escort simply left, fearing 
for their safety.

His predecessor, Judge Jean Sénat Fleury, decide to drop the case after 
receiving threats.  When he summoned Toussaint to give evidence in the 
Dominique case on 26 July 2000, before he had taken up his post as senator, 
he turned up with a group of "chimères" – hired demonstrators from the 
capital's slums – who shouted insults outside the main law courts where the 
meeting with Fleury took place.

Dominique's widow Michèle no longer receives anonymous calls but her life is 
still in danger.  "I weigh the threats by the number of bodyguards I'm given 
at any time," she says, noting that they were doubled during the dispute 
between Gassant and the Senate.  Reflecting that she could well have been 
with her husband when he was shot, she says she is living on borrowed time.  
As one judge put it, "this kind of affair can cost you your life."

Senator Toussaint explains

Former army major Dany Toussaint was elected a senator in May 2000, took his 
seat four months later and now heads that body's justice, police and 
security committee.  He insisted to RSF that Jean Dominique had not been an 
enemy.  He denied any responsibility for the presence of "chimères" 
demonstrating in front of Radio Haiti Inter on 18 October 1999 and said that 
on that day, he had been at the funeral of one of his bodyguards.

Toussaint said he was very popular among Haitians and "a rising star" that 
some people wanted to "shoot down."  He said the murder of Dominique had 
immediately been used against him and claimed a transcript of Dominique's 19 
October attack on him had been distributed in the streets of Port-au-Prince 
hours after the killing.  Toussaint accused judge Gassant of wanting to make 
"a big thing" out of summoning him to testify in the case.  In his 21 
February letter to Senate president Neptune, Toussaint had attacked "the 
deliberate attempt by the judiciary to treacherously undermine (his) 
reputation."  Asked why his supporters had demonstrated when he went to see 
judge Fleury on July 26, he said:  "I didn't know I had to tell my 
supporters not to turn up."

He denied the many reports that he had a lot of money.  He presented bank 
documents to RSF to show he was having serious financial problems and said 
he had been forced to sell a video games parlour he owned.  But he admitted 
he had another bank account he did not give details of.

About the Senate conflict, he insisted he personally had wanted to go and 
see judge Gassant but that it was for the Senate to decide whether the 
judge's request was legal.

Toussaint denied knowing any of the people arrested in the Dominique murder 
case, even from the time when he was interim police chief, in 1995-96.  He 
stressed he had not known Lalanne "either before or after his death."   Some 
of those arrested were suspected of dealing in stolen vehicles and he 
pointed out that he was promoting a bill in parliament to make such theft a 
full-blown crime.  As for Ronald Cadavre, Toussaint first said he was "used 
to seeing him" because his brother Franco was a Fanmi Lavalas member, but 
later said he had only met him once in spring 2000 during his senatorial 
election campaign.  He said Dominique had made much harsher attacks on 
people other than him and that the killers were probably to be found among 
the underworld, former Duvalierists or even the government itself.

Government interest in the case and public activism

The investigating judges' achievements so far in the face of many 
difficulties have been made because of solid support from the government of 
former President René Préval, who made special provisions for security and 
gave financial and logistical support to the enquiry.

Since Dominique's funeral, public backing for the investigation, encouraged 
and supported by Radio Haiti Inter, has been very important and has driven 
it forward.  After the death of Lalanne, there were several demonstrations 
in front of the main law courts and the city magistrate's court calling for 
justice and protesting against the slow progress of the investigation.  
Radio Haiti Inter shut down from 3-5 February 2001 in protest against what 
it called "deliberate and arbitrary attempts by the Senate to obstruct the 
judicial investigation into the contract killing" of Dominique.

Together with the Fondasyon Eko Vwa Jean Dominique, a group of about 20 
organisations recently formed an alliance against impunity and lawlessness 
to help member-organisations redouble their own efforts against impunity.  
Several events are planned to mark the first anniversary of Dominique's 
murder on 3 April, including exhibitions, public meetings, a media campaign 
and the screening of a documentary by filmmaker Joanthan Demme.  Dominique's 
widow, Michèle Montas, has the last word:  "We live in an atmosphere of 
impunity in which the criminals always get away with their crimes.  But this 
time they won't."

Conclusions and recommendations

The Reporters Sans Frontières delegation notes that the murder investigation 
has run into obstacles, come under outside pressure and been marked by 
incidents that cause concern.  RSF considers the investigators have 
nevertheless made encouraging progress thanks to solid support from the 
government of former President René Préval and the mobilisation of public 

Reporters Sans Frontières welcomes President Jean-Bertrand Aristide's desire 
for the investigation to be given "a new lease of life," expressed during 
his visit to Radio Haiti Inter on 3 March 2001.  It also welcomes justice 
minister Gary Lissade's promise to give the investigators "all the support 
they need so that nothing obstructs the enquiry."

Reporters Sans Frontières however fears that new obstacles will be 
encountered that could prevent the current preliminary investigation leading 
to the trial of those who ordered and carried out the murder of Jean 
Dominique. It recommends that:

ÿ the Haitian government continue to physically protect those involved in 
the investigation and also increase the funding, equipment and other means 
at the enquiry's disposal.
ÿ the Haitian parliament respect the independence of the country's courts 
and judges.
ÿ the Haitian government carry out the decisions of the judiciary, 
regardless of who those decisions apply to, and that
ÿ the Organisation of American States, the European Union, the International 
Organisation for the Francophonie and the United Nations Independent Expert 
on Haiti pay special attention to the case.

[1] Paul Raymond, spokesman for a grassroots group in Port-au-Prince, 
threatened at a press conference on 9 January 2001 to "physically eliminate" 
Pierre-Paul and Max Chauvet, owner of the daily paper Le Nouvelliste.
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