15159: Nadal: Re : Inter - American Dialogue. (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: Olivier Nadal <o_nadal@bellsouth.net>


Keynote Address: Ambassador Thomas A. Shannon
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Western Hemisphere Affairs
U.S. Department of State

Inter-American Dialogue
March 12, 2003

Thank you very much for the opportunity to address you on the eve of an
important conference about political and economic development in Haiti.  I
would like to congratulate the Inter-American Dialogue, and all those who
had a hand in organizing this timely and significant event.  I know that the
discussions tomorrow will allow all of us to see the way forward in Haiti
more clearly.

Now is certainly the time for both vision and action in Haiti.  As the
Dialogue noted in its important report, The Troubled Americas, Haiti is one
of the Hemisphere's continuing tragedies.  On-going political crisis and
confrontation have debilitated the state, undermined respect for human
rights, and deepened an already worrisome economic and humanitarian
situation.

Haiti's hemispheric neighbors, through the O.A.S., and its other friends in
the international community have made an impressive effort to help Haiti
overcome its political stalemate.  Regrettably, those efforts have yet to
bear fruit.

The problem we face is not one of articulating a vision for Haiti's future.
We all want a peaceful, democratic country that respects human rights and
the rule of law, with an economy that will provide an adequate livelihood
for all of its people.  The hard part is translating this vision into
reality.  In my remarks tonight, I want to share with you some thoughts
about how the international community can help Haiti to become more
prosperous and democratic.  I also want to share with you thoughts on U.S.
policy in Haiti, and how we view the current situation there.

We must begin with some clear thinking about the conceptual basis for our
engagement with Haiti.  Haiti is proud of being one of the Hemisphere's
oldest republics.  Its history, however, has been tragically marred by the
depredations of authoritarian rule, interspersed with periods of chronic
political instability and violence.  Haiti's people have suffered the
consequences - poverty, abuse of human and civil rights, illness,
illiteracy, hunger, environmental degradation, and lack of economic
opportunity.

However much we may decry these circumstances and wish to set them right, we
can never lose sight of the fact that Haiti is a sovereign nation, which has
sought the active cooperation of the international community.

The essence of that cooperation is captured in the O.A.S.'s engagement in
Haiti.  As the principal political forum of the Hemisphere, the O.A.S. has
struggled to provide the means and resources to address Haiti's political
crisis.  This effort was distilled into Resolution 822, which set forth a
framework or "roadmap" by setting out vital first steps toward resolving the
political crisis, urging normal relations between Haiti and the
international financial institutions, and engaging the international
community in Haiti.

The Government of Haiti joined consensus on Resolution 822.  In doing so, it
committed itself to a series of actions that would promote a climate of
security and confidence for free and fair elections in 2003.  From September
to November 2002, the door was wide open toward a path of reconciliation.
The Government only had to walk through that door by acting on its
commitments and beckon the opposition and civil society to follow.  That
door is still open enough for this to happen, but the Government must take
the first steps.

The United States continues to support full implementation of Resolution 822
as the only way out of the political crisis.  But we are dissatisfied with
the Government of Haiti's level of compliance with Resolution 822.
President Aristide has yet to take the necessary steps to lead Haiti toward
free and fair elections under the process laid out in the resolution.

While there has been some progress on payment of reparations to political
parties for damage suffered in the violence of December 17, 2001, and the
OAS Special Mission has been able to negotiate satisfactory terms for its
activities with the government, on almost all other accounts there has been
little or no substantive progress.  This is particularly disappointing and
worrisome in regard to the deteriorating security environment.  A climate of
security conducive to elections does not now exist.  Armed gangs, many
associated with the ruling party, continue to perpetrate acts of violence
and intimidation against opposition members, journalists, human rights
activists, some businesses, and students.  Some investigations are
proceeding, however haltingly, but the murders of journalists Jean Dominique
in April 2000 and Brignol Lindor in December 2001 and those of other
opposition civic or political leaders, remain unsolved.  Disarmament, a key
element in creating a climate of security, has consisted of little more than
ineffective public gestures.

The deteriorating security climate has blocked formation of the Provisional
Electoral Council (CEP).  Lack of effective government action in meeting
obligations under Resolution 822 has caused the opposition and civil society
to question President Aristide's commitment to truly free and fair
elections.  From November 2002 through January 2003, a series of
anti-government protest strikes and attacks by regime-supported gangs on
opposition demonstrations have driven the two sides further apart.
Opposition parties and civil society organizations have declined to
participate in the CEP in the current security climate.

We recognize that the Haitian government cannot accomplish everything in
Resolution 822 immediately, but the process has slowed dangerously and
polarization is increasing.  If elections are to be held in 2003 as called
for in Resolution 822, it is vital that the Government of Haiti take
immediate, concrete steps to fulfill commitments under the Resolution.  Once
it does so, the U.S. and other members of the international community will
be in a position to urge the opposition and civil society to participate in
a CEP and to consider providing substantial assistance for the entire
electoral process.

Opposition parties and civil society have a role to play in implementing
Resolution 822.  As we have noted previously:  The U.S. supports full
implementation of the Resolution as the only way to resolve the current
crisis.  We cannot and will not support any effort to remove President
Aristide through violent confrontation.  Inflammatory statements calling for
Aristide's departure from office undermine the Resolution 822 process, and
only make progress more difficult.  If President Aristide demonstrates
significant political will by taking concrete steps to meet the government's
obligations under the Resolution, then opposition parties and civil society
must participate in the CEP.  If they do not, a peaceful and democratic
resolution of the political crisis through free and fair elections stands
little chance of success.

The role of the international community in supporting the democratic process
laid out in Resolution 822 is crucial.  The Resolution established the
O.A.S. Special Mission as the principal mechanism for helping the government
to implement its commitments.  The O.A.S. Special Mission has undertaken
some activities to help Haiti under its original mandates - to assist with
institution building in democracy, human rights, security, and justice.
Resolution 822 charged the Special Mission with significant additional
responsibilities for assisting the Government of Haiti with disarmament,
elections and electoral security, and professionalization of the Haitian
National Police. d with the Government of Haiti  The Special Mission has
negotiated terms of reference for helping the government in these areas, but
it is understaffed and operating under severe financial constraints.  The
Special Mission has received contributions and pledges of $5.5 million, but
has requested an additional $11-13 million from the international community
to fund its current mandates.  Beyond that, the cost for elections security,
observation, and technical support could be as high as $35 million.

Another vital element of support from the international community is normal
economic cooperation between the Government of Haiti and the international
financial institutions.  Resolution 822 calls for this.  Let me be clear.
The call for normalization stands on its own, and is not subject to the
political conditions called for in Resolution 822.  However, for Haiti to
receive new loans from the international financial institutions, the
government must meet the same kind of economic and financial conditions that
are normally required of any other government.

The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), the World Bank, and the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) have each held discussions with the
Government of Haiti since last September.  However, before loan
disbursements can begin from the IDB, Haiti needs to pay its IDB arrears,
slightly over $20 million as of year-end 2002.  Haiti needs to clear its
arrears to the World Bank and meet normal economic and financial conditions
to enable the World Bank to develop a lending program for Haiti.  An
appropriate IMF program is also necessary before the IDB and World Bank can
approve certain types of loans.  It is important that the Multilateral
Development Banks have reasonable assurances of a credible macroeconomic
framework before lending.  To obtain an IMF program, Haiti must negotiate
and implement an agreement with the IMF on basic economic reforms.

To date the Government of Haiti has neither paid its arrears to the IDB or
World Bank, nor reached an agreement with the IMF.  All three institutions
continue their talks with the government.  We have repeatedly encouraged the
Government of Haiti to take the steps needed so that lending from these
institutions can resume.  We have also encouraged the institutions to work
actively toward this goal.  We understand that some states in the
international community are looking at ways to help Haiti to pay its
arrears.  The U.S. views these efforts with favor.

Resolution 822 represents consensus on the part of Haiti and the
international community about the best way to resolve the political crisis.
Neither Haiti, nor the Inter-American community, nor the international
community as a whole, can afford to abandon the process laid out in the
Resolution.  Full compliance is crucial to create the conditions for free
and fair elections.

President Aristide on February 7 issued a presidential decree listing
nominees for seven of the nine positions on the CEP, saying at the time that
he was leaving the remaining two positions for opposition political parties
to fill.  The seven names President Aristide put forward were already known
to the public, having been previously selected by organizations and sectors
named in the Draft Initial Accord as nominating entities.  Opposition
parties did not name any nominees in response to Aristide's implicit offer
that they join him in forming the CEP.  Moreover, those individuals that
President Aristide did name, and the organizations they represent, are
reluctant to participate in the CEP before the government complies with
Resolution 822, especially with respect to establishing a climate of
security for elections.

It would be a mistake for President Aristide to act on his own in forming
the CEP.  No single party or organization should be able to block formation
of the CEP, but it is essential to maintain the formula for creation of the
CEP as originally agreed to in the Draft Initial Accord.  This formula was
designed to produce a credible, neutr d with the Government of Haiti, and
independent CEP.  Any other CEP, most especially one that is appointed only
by the government, will be perceived as incapable of managing elections in a
fair and impartial manner.  The U.S. will not support elections in Haiti
that are not free, fair, and transparent.

A joint high-level delegation of the O.A.S. and CARICOM traveling to Haiti
March 18-20 will deliver a strong message that now is the time for the
government to take effective action in meeting security concerns, and
following that, for the opposition and civil society to participate in
forming a credible CEP.  The U.S. views the delegation's mission with the
utmost importance - we fear that without immediate progress, security will
continue to deteriorate, polarization will increase, and the economy will
get even weaker, and the Haitian people will suffer still further as a
result of their government's inability or unwillingness to move forward on
Resolution 822.

  The U.S. will be represented on the joint delegation by Special
Presidential Envoy for Western Hemisphere Initiatives, Ambassador Otto J.
Reich.  Ambassador Reich's participation on the delegation is a measure of
the delegation's importance to the U.S., and also reflects the level of U.S.
policy concerns about Haiti.

For two centuries the American and Haitian people have enjoyed a close
relationship - beginning with our common desire for independence but in more
modern times driven by the hundreds of thousands of Haitians living and
working in the United States.  Haitian-Americans are making vital
contributions to American life in politics, the arts, and business.  Every
year, Haitians living in the U.S. send $700-800 million back to their home
country, an astonishing amount that equals an estimated 20 per cent of
Haiti's gross national product.

Haiti is important for our national security.  Endemic corruption, drug and
weapons trafficking, and illegal migration continue to be areas of deep
concern for the U.S.  The prospect of mass migration also remains worrisome
especially with its potential to create instability in the region and
undermine anti-terrorist efforts to improve border control.

These are some of the reasons why we are engaged in Haiti, and why we will
continue to be engaged.  There are other reasons, possibly even more
significant than those arising from the existence of common ties and
national security.  Haiti is our neighbor.  Americans are sympathetic to the
plight of the Haitian people, who have suffered so grievously and who will
continue to suffer so long as Haiti's protracted political crisis goes on.
The U.S. continues to provide assistance to Haiti through non-governmental
organizations addressing the urgent humanitarian needs in Haiti and
promoting prosperity and democratic institutions.  The U.S. has been and
remains Haiti's largest donor.  In the past two years, we have disbursed
over $120 million in humanitarian and development assistance to Haiti.  The
U.S. acknowledges the deepening dimensions of Haiti's humanitarian crisis.
We will welcome discussing ways to address the problem urgently at a donor's
meeting that the World Bank will chair at the end of this month.

As a people, Americans have a visceral understanding of the moral
injunction: help your neighbor.  As a people, we want to bring to Haiti the
values and institutions that throughout our history have served us so well -
democracy, rule of law, respect for human rights, and open markets.  Perhaps
more than any other single factor, this will keep us involved in Haiti.

I want to close by reminding all of you about the potential consequences of
failing in Haiti.  These potential outcomes are familiar to everyone in the
international community - they are Somalia, Bosnia, Rwanda, Sierra Leone.
The possibility for this kind of social and political disintegration in
Haiti does exist - that is why with the Government of Haiti continued
engagement of the international community is so crucial.  It is also the
reason why the Government of Haiti must act now.  President Aristide must
respond to the joint O.A.S.-CARICOM delegation visiting Haiti next week by
taking immediate steps to implement Resolution 822.  If he does not, or if
he elects not to comply with the Resolution by calling elections on his own,
he will isolate himself from the U.S. and the very forces in the
international community that seek to help him and his country.  The Haitian
people deserve better, much better, and by working together, we can get the
democratic process back on track and help them to fully realize their
long-held dream of freedom and prosperity.