16847: Saint-Vil thanks Dailey for correction on origin of Uzis Re: 16830: (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: Jean Saint-Vil <jafrikayiti@hotmail.com>


First of all, I want to thank Mr. Dailey for this important precision. So, I
have learned that  the UZI is indeed Made in Israel, not the good ol' USA. My
knowledge of weapons of "masses" destruction is so limited, I must admit that
Charlton would definitely never allow me in his illustruous club, like he did
Michael Moore.

As for the distribution of Uzis in Haiti, there is at least one American
journalist (a credible one!) who provides important clues on the manner in
which these things have become so accessible in the streets of Haiti in recent
years,....accessible even to folks whose annual salary would obviously not
permit them to even buy the bullets these monsters use to destroy human life.

Here is an excerpt and the link on the net where one can read this credible
piece of journalism...the kind, unfortunately, we have seen so little of in the
past 5 years.

"The arms shipments so crucial to the launching of FRAPH began around July
1993, according to a Haitian army officer who helped arrange the deals. The
officer, a longtime U.S. protege whose walls are hung with diplomas from U.S.
military courses (at infantry school, special training in Texas and, last
spring, a six-day "human rights" course), served as a confidant and arms
procurer for coup leader and police chief Lieut. Col. Michel Francois. He was
among those who kept detailed records on the deals, some of which he still has.
Other papers were apparently seized in 1994 by incoming U.S. troops.


The U.S. shipments originated in Miami and included Colt .38 revolvers,
9-millimeter semiautomatic pistols, American made M-3 "grease gun" machine guns
with short, collapsible stocks, Thompson submachine guns, Smith & Wesson .38
revolvers and fragmentation and gas grenades. The officer estimates that "five
to ten thousand pieces" came in from Florida, packed in boxes often marked
"Police Material: Do Not Open," and addressed to officers at the Haitian
national palace. Although from October 1993 until September 1994 the U.S. Navy
was used to enforce the embargo on Haiti, the officer says that the FRAPH arms
shipments were never stopped (the Navy confirms that no Haiti-bound weapons
were intercepted).


On arrival in Haiti, the weapons were stored at Colonel Francois's police
headquarters, at the airport and in cargo containers, but-the officer says-not
at army bases. Distribution of the guns to FRAPH and attaches was controlled by
Francois and his circle, working through Constant and the senior civilian
leader ship of FRAPH.


The fast influx of pistols, grease guns and hand grenades enabled FRAPH to
metastasize. The officer says that FRAPH was needed to maintain control because
"it was 7,000 of us versus 7 million civilians." The guns were, in turn,
necessary to get FRAPH out on the streets. The idea was that, sud denly, FRAPH
"would appear with all the gear of power-weapons, communication, intimidation,
etc.," thereby cowing both the still-active popular movement and the exiled
Aristide.


By November 11, 1993, a D.I.A. cable noted, FRAPH had emerged with sudden
strength, its enforcers enjoying "the perception of power derived from being
able to walk the streets of a town carrying an automatic weapon with total
impunity." The cable (from documents released to the Center for Constitutional
Rights in connection with a lawsuit brought by FRAPH victim Alerte Belance)
also noted that "FRAPH is suspected in the death of two male Lavalas
sympathizers who were executed [and] . . .discovered this morning shot in me
head with their hands tied behind their backs." These were, of course, just two
of the myriad murders, arsons, rapes and tortures then being attributed-often
openly-to Constant's men in FRAPH. The United States, though, kept on paying
Constant, and the weapons flow increased.


The Haitian officer involved in the shipments says that U.S. authorities took
no steps to stop them, but refuses to discuss the precise role that the U.S.
government played. At the time, Constant, the FRAPH leader, was working for the
C.I.A., as was (as NBC News first reported) Colonel Francois himself, as well
as (according to U.S. envoy Lawrence Pezzullo) Francois's brother, Evans.
Constant says he was reporting personally to C.I.A. station chief John
Kambourian, who also, according to U.S. and Haitian sources, met often with
Colonel Francois. Gerard Cassis, a Haitian businessman long close to the C.I.A.
(he told of his dealings with three generations of C.I.A. station chiefs), says
Kambourian once assured him "that he was here in Haiti [in order] forAristide
never to come back." Constant states, "People say the C.I.A. was opposed to
Clinton, but I don't think so. Clinton knew everything concerning me." The U.S.
policy was to return Aristide but to derail his populist program. Backing FRAPH
served that agenda as well as tha t of the "no return" forces. When I reached
Kambourian-who is now back at C.I.A. headquarters-and asked him about the arms
shipments, he shouted, "You know the drill, talk to Public Affairs," and hung
up.


The Haitian officer says that he personally had a U.S. contact who worked at
the time out of the C.I.A.'s Jamaica station. The officer says that Jamaica was
one of the FRAPH arms transit points, as were the Caicos Islands and Santo
Domingo (from which C.I.A. asset Evans Francois handled shipping and finances
for his brother). He adds that a separate stream of FRAPH arms roughly as large
as that shipped out of Miami originated in Brazil and included American M-16A1
rifles, Motorola walkie talkies, Colt .45s and .38s, Uzi submachine guns and
Taurus 9-millimeter pistols. In our interviews Constant maintained the fiction
that FRAPH never had any arms, but said that the attaches, closely linked to
FRAPH, got theirs-legally, he claimed-from Miami and New York. Asked whether
the C.I.A. knew of these weapons coming in, Constant said, "Oh, definitely,
because they knew the procedure."


Constant says that the D.I.A.'s original idea for a group like FRAPH was to
form an organization "that could balance the Aristide movement" and do
"intelligence" work against it. In practice, with its new U.S. arms, FRAPH did
this through what one D.I.A. cable called the use of "controlled violence." A
December 7, 1993, D.I.A. analysis forwarded to the Pentagon, the C.I.A., the
White House, the State Department and U.S. military bases worldwide made
excited mention of the impact of FRAPH: "People are attracted to the new power
element in town and want to be part of it. Even disappointed Lavalasians have
been reported to be joining because they recognize that this emerging influence
is not loth [sic] to use violence against all those who oppose it and they
cannot afford not to be part of it."

HAITI UNDER THE GUN, by Allan Nairn, the Nation magaz
ine, January 8 / 15, 1996<?xml:namespace prefix = o ns = "urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" />

http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Global_Secrets_Lies/HaitiJan96_Nairn.html

 Now, perhaps someone would care to enlight us on the origin of all these U.S. flags being waved all over Gonaives by the crowds of the now-christened "anti-Lavalas political militants" who only weeks ago were better known an "pro-Aristide mobs" or "Lavalas chimères war-lords"....in the FREE PRESS.

Mèsi davans wi !

 Jafrikayiti

«Depi nan Ginen bon nèg ap ede nèg!»
http://www.i-port.net/sd-in-j/
----Original Message Follows----
From: Bob Corbett
To: Haiti mailing list
Subject: 16830: Dailey: RE: Saint-Vil and 16826
Date: Sat, 27 Sep 2003 08:03:28 -0500 (CDT)
From: Peter Dailey
Saint-Vil's message to Daniel Simidor speaks for itself. However, he
appears to
believe that the Uzis that have been the cause of so many deaths in
Gonaives,
Cite Soleil and elsewhere are "made and distributed by USA." The Uzi, a
submachine gun, the Galil, an assault rifle, the Negev, a light machine
gun,
the Jericho, a semi-automatic pistol, and the soon to be released Tavor, a
"bull pup assault rifle" are all IMI products, "made in and distributed by
Israel."
Peter Dailey

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