18346: Esser: The corporate media lies about Haiti (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: D. Esser torx@joimail.com

http://www.haitiaction.net
The corporate media lies about Haiti
02/06/2004

As we have seen recently, the corporate media has continually
provided distortions, misrepresentations and complete fabrications as
"news" about current events in Haiti. This report from Michelle
Karshan, Foreign Press Liaison of the National Palace compile many of
the misrepresentations of the press to appear on the day after this
insurrection led by-former FRAPH death squad commander-Jean Tatoune
began. Long enough to get the relevant facts straight.

Press fail to identify key players in Gonaives opposition violence
nor do they examine timing of terrorist acts

From: Michelle Karshan, Foreign Press Liaison - National Palace, Haiti
Tel: (011509) 228-2058 - Fax: (011509) 228-2171 - Email: mkarshan@aol.com

Haiti's Secretary of State for Communications, Mario Dupuy, responded
to this week's extreme violence by the opposition in Gonaives
explaining that these are "terrorist acts undertaken by the armed
wing of the opposition." Indeed, immediately after the attack on the
police station in Gonaives (which includes destroying the national
prison there, aiding the escape of prisoners, burning of government
buildings, homes and stores, murdering police and civilians, setting
people on fire) the leaders of the opposition in Port-au-Prince
openly praised the terrorist acts in Gonaives.

Journalist Scott Wilson, in his Washington Post article, "Armed
Attacks Increase Pressure on Haitian Leader, Groups Extend Reach Into
Provincial Areas" published November 18, 2003 (see link at end of
this section) described the armed branch of the opposition as
follows: "Many of the participants are either former members of
Haiti's military, which was dissolved after the 1994 U.S. invasion
that restored Aristide to power following a military coup, or they
belonged to a paramilitary force that opposed the president's return.
The groups have increased the tempo of their attacks in recent
months, and are showing signs of coordinating military efforts around
the country."

In that same November 2003 article, Prime Minister Yvon Neptune
stated, "Our information is that there are links between some
elements of these armed groups with the opposition on every level --
financial as well as the political goal of ousting President
Aristide," Neptune said. "We're trying to show that this is all a
pretext for not wanting to participate in elections."

In reporting on this week's atrocities in Gonaives, the foreign
press, so far, has continued to portray the opposition in Gonaives as
former Aristide supporters when in fact the former military, macoutes
and FRAPH figure prominently amongst them! Today's Associated Press
article by Michael Norton does admit the presence of former military
in Gonaives but distances their involvement from the high command of
the terrorists as follows: "Former soldiers of Haiti's disbanded army
carrying heavy weapons patrolled the streets in support of the
uprising in Gonaives."

Charles Arthur, of Haiti Support Group London, and author of several
books on Haiti, challenged the perpetuation of this myth when he
pointed out that mainstream media are filing stories from/on the
opposition violence in Gonaives without a mention of Jean Tatoune!

Arthur explains, "At the end of January 2004, Tatoune [Jean Pierre
aka Tatoune] was named by the anti-Aristide Artibonite Resistance
Front as the new 'departmental police director'. The Front, which
unites followers of Tatoune and followers of the murdered Raboteau
leader, Amiot Metayer, also named Amiot's brother, Butteur, as
'police inspector.' Bertrand Wilfort, aka Ti Will, as 'departmental
police commissioner', and Winter Etienne as 'mayor' of Gonaives.
Tatoune has led many of the violent attacks on police in Gonaives
since he escaped from prison in August 2002 (along with Amiot Metayer
and some 150 other inmates of the city prison). Tatoune is a former
FRAPH leader who was sentenced to forced labour for life in 2000 for
his participation in the 1994 Raboteau massacre."

Tim Collie, in his February 6, 2004 Sun-Sentinel article, "Opposition
movements in Haiti threaten country's stability," did point out the
various players although his article fell short of connecting the
dots. Collie revealed that, "Šanother group known as the Motherless
Army, composed of former army members, has carried out assassinations
of government officials and sacked villages." Collie continues more
specifically about the Gonaives situation, "Thursday's uprising was
led by a group formally known as the Cannibal Army, now renamed the
Artibonite Resistance Front. Based in the shanty town of Raboteau,
they are a hardcore mix of former Aristide supporters and elements of
the FRAPH, a paramilitary squad that menaced Haiti during the early
1990s, after Aristide was overthrown during his first administration."

In response to the murderous violence and anarchy in Gonaives,
Haiti's President of the Senate, Yvon Feuillé, asked is this what the
opposition meant by a "social contract." He was referring to the
"social contract" of the "civil society" group led by US citizen and
Haiti factory owner, Andy Apaid. Robert Fatton, a University of
Virginia professor and political analyst on Haiti, in Collie's
article, wonders, "If what is happening in Gonaives is the
opposition's vision for Haiti, then the future is pretty grim
indeed." Fatton goes on to conclude that, "These are not democrats by
any means - they don't have a political philosophy other than power
and money."

This week's attack on the Gonaives police station came on the heals
of two days of talks with the Caricom delegation in Haiti, who met
with both sides in an effort to move the process forward towards
elections. Also, last week President Aristide committed to continue
the government's disarmament campaign (last year the government of
Haiti made it clear that this would be applied across the board,
regardless of class, political affiliation, or place of residence).
Further, the Gonaives attacks follow several positive editorials
appearing in leading newspapers in the United States, all supporting
Haiti's constitutional government and it's democratic electoral
process. The opposition also became outraged this week by President
Aristide's interview on CNN in which he stated for the world that he
would complete his presidential mandate of five years and discussed
the democratic principle of "one man, one vote."

Ira Kurzban, Haiti's General Counsel, views the Gonaives attack as a
diversionary tactic. When Caricom finished up their two days of talks
in Haiti, it was well established that the opposition had told
Caricom that they would not negotiate while Aristide is still in
office. Kurzban explains, "I believe that the incident in Gonaives
was timed purposely to downplay CARICOM and the opposition's
non-response. For those of us who have been involved in this for many
years we are aware of the timing of such events to distract the
"public" from the real story."

For more on the opposition in Gonaives, see November 18, 2003 Washington Post:
'Armed Attacks Increase Pressure on Haitian Leader, Groups Extend
Reach Into Provincial Areas'