20063: Esser: Friends Of Haiti (fwd)

[Bob Corbett <corbetre@webster.edu>]

From: D. Esser torx@joimail.com


Tom Paine.common sense
http://www.tompaine.com

Mar 08 2004

Friends Of Haiti 

Margaret Kimberley is a freelance writer living in New York City. She
writes a weekly column for The Black Commentator.

Haitian leaders and the cause of Haiti's self-determination may fall
in and out of favor with American leaders, but the Congressional
Black Caucus has been a stalwart supporter of peace and democracy in
the Caribbean nation. It’s natural then, that members of the
Congressional Black Caucus and their constituents have formed the
foundation of American support for Jean-Bertrand Aristide, Haiti’s
first democratically elected president. The CBC galvanized its
support earlier this week when Aristide revealed that his resignation
and departure to the Central African Republic were forced upon him by
the United States. However, the responsibility for Haiti's future and
securing its citizens' well-being lies with the White House.

Shared History

In an ironic turn of events, the 1803 Haitian revolution forced
France to sell its American possessions—the Louisiana Purchase—and
thus profoundly influenced the history of the United States. Since
then, relations between Haiti and the United States have been marked
by U.S. support for anti-democratic leaders. That changed in 1994
when the Clinton administration returned the democratically elected
Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power. Rene Preval was elected president in
1995 and Aristide was re-elected in 2000 only to be forced out by
paramilitary insurgents.

Secretary of State Colin Powell denied that the United States had
helped in Aristide’s ouster and claimed that Aristide requested help
in leaving Haiti. Congressman Charles Rangel’s response to Powell was
diplomatic but devastating: “. . . both Sen. Harkin and I were in
constant communication with Secretary Powell by phone, and this
information about Aristide asking to leave the country or that his
life was in danger was never shared with us.” The Bush administration
made its opinion of Aristide crystal clear when it withheld crucial
economic aid from the struggling nation. Public statements of support
for Aristide’s opposition only increased anger on the part of Haiti's
congressional advocates.

Supporting Democracy

A tragic aspect of the Haitian crisis is the presence of former
Aristide backers among the opposition. The extent of bitterness
against him was so great that they rejected a power-sharing
arrangement in favor of an alliance with the insurgent forces. Dr.
Robert Fatton, an expert on Haiti at the University of Virginia,
described the alliance as, “At best naďve or very cynical.” Dr.
Fatton adds, “There are a few very decent people in the opposition
but I think they will be overwhelmed by the more reactionary forces
and the military forces.”

Disillusioned former supporters joined in accusing Aristide of
cheating in the 2000 elections and using the chimere gangs to
intimidate and in some cases kill his opposition. However, any abuses
that took place under Aristide do not compare to the levels of
violence committed by military dictators. Raoul Cedras, ruler after
the 1991 coup, killed approximately 5,000 political opponents.
Francois “Papa Doc” Duvalier, killed an estimated 60,000 of his
countryman. Aristide’s harshest critics make no claim of such
bloodletting on his part.

Aristide’s opposition accused the Congressional Black Caucus in
particular of supporting Aristide blindly and squandering
opportunities to encourage reform. Aristide’s American supporters
want to see a downtrodden nation emerge from the cycle of poverty and
dictatorship and begin to thrive. It is obvious that black Americans
and their political representatives would want to see a democratic
Haiti and support its elected president, however flawed he may have
been. They, too, were dismayed by the administration's acceptance of
armed gang leaders implicated in past atrocities.

Also, Haitian immigrants followed the traditional path of using the
American political system to advocate for their homeland and for the
leader most of them still admire. Haitian American support, the tense
relationship between the Black Caucus and the Bush administration,
and Bush administration hostility to Aristide all combined to
solidify loyalty to Aristide among his American supporters.

How Much The United States Knew

Haiti’s future now looks bleak. Guy Phillippe, a convicted drug
dealer who fled Haiti after a 2001 coup attempt, has declared himself
military chief and threatened to arrest Prime Minister Yvon Neptune.
Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier expressed a desire to return from his
exile. Phillippe says his forces will disarm, but gun battles
continue between his forces and Aristide’s. Aristide’s shortcomings
will be forgotten if former death squad members remain in power or if
Duvalier returns.

When Assistant Secretary of State Roger Noriega testified before
Congress earlier this week, the proceedings revealed the anger and
mistrust that now exist between the Bush administration and
Aristide’s congressional supporters. Congressman Donald Payne seemed
incredulous when Noriega claimed to be unaware that Guy Phillippe had
been trained by the U.S. military. Charles Rangel asked Noriega if
the United States forced Aristide to resign and laughter erupted when
Noriega replied in the negative.

Expert testimony strengthened the case that Aristide’s errors were
compounded by lack of American support. Robert Maguire, director of
programs in international affairs at Trinity College testified that
“…with fewer and fewer resources the government was left managing
scarcity and in the Haitian political reality managing scarcity means
managing power, and managing power means managing the street gangs.”

The burden for resolving Haiti’s crisis does not rest with the
Congressional Black Caucus or Haitian Americans. Aristide’s claim of
a coup has caused the White House great embarrassment and forces the
United States to prevent another slide into violence and chaos. The
nation whose history was changed by Haitian rebels 200 years ago now
has an obligation to insure its transition to a functioning democracy.

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