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17208: Hyppolite Re: Discussion on Revolution over Reform (fwd)



From: Hyppolite Pierre <hpierre@irsp.org>

Let me, if I may, interject perhaps not as quickly as I would like, on the
discussion about Revolution and Reform. I'd like to also thank Gerda Eliacin
whose reproduction of Frederick Douglass' point of view on Haiti is quite à
propos.

Let me say this. It's been an interesting journey lately for me personally,
on these and other matters regarding politics in Haiti. As I have been
working on a project, a long essay regarding Haiti which will hopefully be
published next year, I had realized a number of things, some of which I'd
like to share with you, if that could somehow help elucidate. The confusion
over the current matters is perhaps by design, perhaps because we
collectively refuse it seems to step back just a bit to see why Haiti is in
the state that it is.

For one thing, I've realized that Haitian politicians' difficulty for
compromise can be traced back to at the very least, October 17, 1806, when
Pétion and Christophe concocted the murder of Dessalines. After this murder,
they could not even reach a compromise among themselves and split the
country into two halves. This is one of the most potent places where one can
trace the roots of today's and yesterday's Haiti. It is also there that
Haiti's true ideological divide stems from.

Then again, our collective passion had blurred our eyes, to the point where
only a few of us have realized that the same way that Pétion the quarteron
(mother mulatto, father white) was the first and true Haitian populist, as
Christophe (the dark and majestic leader) was the first and true Haitian
elitist. Neither of these two gentlemen, at least according to my estimates,
can be regarded as just plain wrong; they just had different ideological
values as to how Haiti should and must be.

The fact is, that Haiti's problem, Haiti's opportunistic politicians are
neither true Pétionist nor true Christophians. They are instead Boyerists:
they seize the moment for making deals or pursue their policy if and when
they have any, regardless of the violation of their own or the country's
principles.

A case its point is the one expressed last week on the Corbett list by this
Du Tuyau person who seems to also live in a fantasy world of sexual
depravation. Nevertheless, his depiction of the former communist leader
Gérard Pierre-Charles' sudden friendliness towards Jesse Helms whom was more
than once purported as a modern segregationist, is quite typical of how
Haitian politicians will go through any length to subvert a régime they
dislike. It is the same way that Evans Paul (K-Plim), who is perhaps on this
list, has made it clear to Haitians and the world that he had learned to
mend fences with former military leader Prosper Avril. This seems strange
when everyone knows how Avril displayed him on TNH (the Haitian TV network
owned and run by the State), after having had tortures in the State prison
"rock" his body.

It is that frightening kind of opportunism that does not date Pétion or
Christophe, but instead Jean-Pierre Boyer with his Independence deal with
Charles X. Ever since that bad precedent, most Haitian politicians will do
just about anything to get to power. They will call it Pragmatism when in
fact, it is Opportunism.

Let me put it that way, the Pragmatist works on patterns to make rules, and
at times ceases moments to accomplish policy goals; the Opportunist works on
moments, regardless on the patterns, or of future consequences. This is who
most of Haitian politicians are.

Having written these few words, it is also fair to say, I think, that those
who wish to understand the ideological divide of Haiti (which by the way are
not mutually exclusive), should perhaps revert to the two individuals
clearly represent the Pétionist and Christophian ideals: Jean-Bertrand
Aristide and Leslie Manigat. Despite their limited or gross imperfections as
some might quickly inject, these two leaders are the only ones in the
current political spectrum of Haiti, who at least in the way they
communicate, each represent the ideals of their predecessors Pétion and
Christophe. Aristide's at least philosophical point of view when looked at
in the best of light, is that of a political leader who believes that
Haiti's development must be an experience that begins with those at the very
bottom; he is the Pétionist. Manigat's also philosophical point of view is
equally adamant on the issue of a politic that focuses first and foremost on
the virtue of an educated and nationalist elite that can help Haiti get out
of its marasm. He is quite the Christophian politician. Even Manigat's
current obsession for a reversal of the political process so that he can
replace Aristide is not too far away from Christophe's decision to begin
fighting agaisnt Pétion in January 1807, just so he could get complete
control of the political process, which Pétion successfully refused and
rebuked. (For an interesting reading of Manigat's very well-defined point of
view on this issue of leadership, those of you who read French should
perhaps try to contact Robert Benodin who is on this list, and ask him for a
copy of Manigat's text called, "Réflexions typologiques sur l’émergence du
leadership politique en Haiti").

These kinds of confusion that we are experiencing in Haiti's politics, which
are quite tiring, also tend to hide the fact that the very first person who
has offered a form of democratic government to Haiti was Alexandre Pétion
with his 1806 Constitution that limited the presidency to a "re-electable"
4-year term. It is the same way that Aristide is offering the larger
opposition to go to elections and they absolutely refuse, using all kinds of
pretexts. They pretend that they fear his machinations, and that the
elections will once again be "stolen". The truth of the matter is, that they
fear the changes that are occurring in the political process; they fear that
the "sameness" that had benefited a class of power-hungry politicians may be
over.

Most other political parties that we know now in Haiti, are either fringes
based first on personalities, or just a derivative of either one of these
two concepts of power so well-defined now By Aristide and Manigat. They are
either a version of the "Liberal" ideal of the mid 19th century in Haiti, or
the "National" ideal of that same period.

The way we should perhaps look at Haiti's political system, is from a
deformed but healthy spectrum. If we manage it well through evolution, Haiti
will evolve for the better; if not, Haiti will revolve around the same old
unproductive patterns. It is a progression and we must learn to look at the
patterns, historical and otherwise, to advance it. For all their faults and
their mistakes, and despite the almost visceral hatred expressed towards
Manigat and Aristide, they really are at the core of Haitian politics,
hopefully for a better future for that country.

I know personally "all the bad stuff" that can be said about both Aristide
and Manigat. But perhaps this is where our best hope lies, because their
points of view are the ideological core of the country of Haiti.

The same way that looking back, Christophe made the mistake of not having
agreed to accept power under the restrictions that were imposed upon him in
the 1806 Constitution, the same way the opposition is making the mistake of
not daring to go to elections. They refuse to dare in the best way. They
want everything all at once. Perhaps as Du Tuyau would say, they want to
bite more than they can chew; they want Revolution rather than Evolution;
they refuse to work with what they have and perfect it, correct it, trying
to hide their own shortcomings. They prefer to constantly start all over
again, every time, every single time. Yet, they refuse to admit that every
time we start from a previously non-existing point, every time we try the
theory of tabula rasa, we had failed. So still, to them all, best of luck in
an election that has the close and precise monitoring of Haitians and others
from the international community.

Best regards to you all,
Hyppolite Pierre
IRSP
http://www.irsp.org